The late Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, the former Emir of Kuwait, was renowned for his humanitarianism. He was known as the “Emir of humanitarian efforts” because he would immediately contribute to any humanitarian effort in any part of the world during his reign.
He did not differentiate between countries, supporting his humanitarian efforts across the globe. In recognition of these efforts, the United Nations honored him and gave him the Humanitarian Award in New York.
His successor, as Emir, Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, who passed away yesterday (Saturday), was known as the "Human Emir.” It is not a hyperbole, but a label that reflects his conduct as the Crown Prince and then, after Sheikh Sabah, as Emir of Kuwait.
Sheikh Nawaf built a mosque near his house, where he spent most of his time, especially when he was Crown Prince. I still remember what the mosque looked like from the outside; every time I visited Kuwait, I would pass by it near the ring road. My companion would point to it from a distance and say: "This is the mosque where Sheikh Nawaf spends most of his time."
The man left our world after a long painful battle. He has always been indifferent to power and seemed, in every situation, like a Sufi living among us, in our contemporary world brimming with everything that hurt the late Emir.
His successor, Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, has become the Emir of Kuwait, embarking on a difficult journey. He must deal with domestic challenges, with a parliament that has been consistently embarrassing the government and frequently summoning its Prime Minister and ministers for questioning. The new Emir must also invigorate the nation's economy and create a shift that grants the country the economic strength that its oil resources allow, thereby satisfying the ambitions of the majority of Kuwaitis.
It's no secret that managing the relationship between the government and the parliament in Kuwait represents the biggest challenge facing the new Emir. This relationship has been problematic since the days of Sheikh Sabah, who often would find himself called to dissolve parliament days after having dissolved the one that had preceded it. Things became so complicated that, at one point, he dissolved parliament twice in a single year, leading to new elections, a new parliament, and consequently, a new government. This cycle repeated multiple times.
Kuwaiti governments and parliaments realized that they were running around in circles with no end in sight. Suspending parliament is difficult because parliamentary oversight is a cornerstone of good governance. Without the parliament, who, exactly, would monitor the government's actions?
The paradox in all of this is that Kuwait, which has more parliamentary experience than any other Gulf state, has a long parliamentary legacy. However, the problem is that the National Assembly (Majlis Al-Umma) has not lived up to this legacy.
I say this with the utmost respect for the Assembly and its members, and out of a desire to see the parliament of a country dear to every Arabic speaker, Kuwait, performing better. Kuwait has contributed significantly, especially culturally, to every Arab’s life. For those interested, they can go over the numerous publications issued in Kuwait, such as Al-Arabi Magazine and World of Thought Magazine, as well as the Global Thought Series, the Global Theater Series, the Global Culture Series, and many more. Under this new Emir, we could see efforts to revive Kuwait's former cultural glory, which has waned somewhat since the Iraqi invasion.
Sheikh Meshal is certainly aware that Kuwait has missed many opportunities, particularly in construction and development. He knows that there is no time to waste and that stabilizing the government is the starting point, and for this to be achieved, parliament must first be made to recognize that it is a legislative body, not a court, and that it should act accordingly.
The new Emir, Sheikh Meshal, faces immense tasks on two levels: developing the country economically and invigorating its culture. However, the political question necessarily precedes both economic and cultural matters.
