Hezbollah Pressure on Military Court Undermines Lebanon’s Weapons Ban

Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
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Hezbollah Pressure on Military Court Undermines Lebanon’s Weapons Ban

Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 

Lebanon’s government decision to prohibit any military or security activity by Hezbollah has yet to translate into meaningful enforcement.

Hezbollah has continued to escalate its military operations, launching rockets and drones toward Israeli territory, while signs of deteriorating security have appeared inside Lebanon, particularly among displaced residents who have fled southern Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Security agencies have struggled to identify those responsible for launching rockets toward Israel. However, Lebanese forces recently recorded a notable development with the arrest of around 30 individuals affiliated with or supportive of Hezbollah.

The detainees were apprehended while fleeing alongside civilians from southern areas and the southern suburbs of Beirut after being found carrying individual weapons, including assault rifles, pistols and grenades.

The arrests appeared to signal a tentative shift in how Lebanon’s security and judicial institutions handle the issue of illegal weapons. Yet the move quickly ran up against what officials say is Hezbollah’s continuing influence over judicial decisions.

Last week, the military court tried three Hezbollah members detained days earlier. The court imposed a fine of 900,000 Lebanese pounds —about $10 — on each of them for possessing unlicensed military weapons and waived any prison sentence.

The ruling diverges sharply from typical sentences in similar cases, where possession or transport of unlicensed weapons usually carries at least a one-month prison term.

Judicial sources say the unusually lenient sentence reflects pressure exerted by Hezbollah on the military court to secure the release of its detained members.

According to the sources, the group sought their release last Thursday and pushed for their trial to be held the following day. The military prosecutor’s office objected, resulting in the hearing being postponed until Monday.

The verdict also drew criticism from the government commissioner to the military court, Judge Claude Ghanem, who promptly appealed the ruling before the Military Court of Cassation, requesting tougher penalties.

A judicial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the ruling was “extremely lenient and failed to account for all the legal provisions under which the suspects were charged.” The source added that the commissioner had received preliminary investigation files concerning four additional detainees and was preparing to file charges against them in the coming hours while seeking stricter sentences.

Only hours after the verdict was issued, Lebanese Justice Minister Adel Nassar ordered that the civilian adviser to the military tribunal, Judge Abbas Jaha, be referred to the Judicial Inspection Authority for investigation.

A Justice Ministry source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the referral stemmed from “the circumstances surrounding the trial and his failure to object to this suspicious ruling.” The source noted that another member of the court panel, a military officer, had opposed the decision while Jaha approved it without reservation.

Weapons and rising tensions in host communities

Legally, the arrest of armed Hezbollah members represents a direct application of the government decision banning any military or security activity by the group. In principle, the ruling applies to anyone carrying weapons outside state authority and places them under threat of prosecution.

The more pressing challenge, however, lies in dealing with armed individuals among displaced populations.

Several neighborhoods in Beirut, including Hamra, Ras Beirut, Sakiat al-Janzir and Ain al-Remmaneh, as well as the towns of Aramoun and Kfarshima in Mount Lebanon, have witnessed repeated incidents involving gunfire, displays of weapons and confrontations with local residents.

Videos circulating on social media show armed men threatening residents, including footage recorded Sunday in Aramoun.

These incidents have heightened anxiety among host communities already grappling with mounting social and economic pressures.

Some residents say the security measures in place remain “below the required level,” arguing that the absence of deterrent action risks encouraging further incidents and creating the impression that the law is applied hesitantly when those involved are linked to Hezbollah.

A Lebanese security source, however, insisted that authorities treat all security incidents seriously. Delays in reaching certain locations, the source said, often result from limited personnel and the difficulty of maintaining coverage across all displacement areas.

Security forces maintain a near-permanent presence at the entrances of schools and facilities housing displaced people, the source added, while most incidents occur in nearby streets and neighborhoods. Patrols respond immediately to reports of gunfire or clashes, detaining suspects or pursuing them if they leave the scene.

Nevertheless, the official acknowledged that the continued incidents could lead to broader friction between displaced populations and local residents — particularly in densely populated areas — at a time when host communities are already under severe economic strain and displacement is expected to continue for months.

 

 



Tunnels or Voiceprints: Why Israel Is Killing Qassam Leaders Faster

From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
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Tunnels or Voiceprints: Why Israel Is Killing Qassam Leaders Faster

From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)

Throughout Israel’s war on Gaza, from October 2023 until a fragile ceasefire was announced two years later in October 2025, Israel’s pursuit of the leaders of Hamas and its military wing, the Qassam Brigades, was neither quick nor easy.

That changed in recent weeks.

A wave of faster, more concentrated assassinations peaked on May 15 with the killing of Qassam commander Izz al-Din al-Haddad after decades on the run. Less than two weeks later, Israel assassinated his successor, Mohammad Odeh.

The killings also reached one of the Qassam’s most prominent commanders, Imad Islim, who was targeted alongside the commander of the northern brigade, though the latter survived.

The campaign did not stop with commanders. It also hit prominent field operatives, most of them involved in the October 7, 2023, attack, as well as officials responsible for military manufacturing.

The pace of the killings has raised questions inside and outside Hamas over why Israel has been able to move so quickly. Some sources pointed to the growth of Israeli intelligence work in Gaza. Others cited Israel’s assault on Hamas tunnels and the security gap left by their destruction.

Hamas field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that every assassination is investigated by specialists seeking to trace security leads or identify specific breaches.

08 June 2025, Palestinian Territories, Khan Younis: Israeli soldiers stand guard at the European Hospital in Khan Younis, where the Israeli military discovered a tunnel believed to be the site of Hamas military chief Mohammad Sinwar's death last month. (dpa)

Tunnels and the decision to leave them

Four field sources said Israel’s intensified campaign against the tunnels was among the reasons behind the faster pace of assassinations. The campaign, they said, destroyed “very large numbers” of tunnels during and after the war.

Over two decades, Hamas dug hundreds, by conservative estimates, if not thousands, of tunnels for defense, attack, command and control. Some served as command sites for leaders directing battles.

The sources said Israel destroyed large numbers of tunnels through ground operations and airstrikes, at times killing operatives, commanders and even Israeli abductees held inside.

One source said that “because of the attacks, the leadership of the resistance decided to stop relying on tunnels and to act in a way that would help preserve the lives of commanders and operatives, as well as the abductees, with the aim of exchanging them for Palestinian prisoners.”

The sources said Israel launched a series of strikes on tunnels at the start of the war in October 2023. But because the network was so vast, Hamas decided only to leave tunnels in dangerous areas.

By late March 2024, as airstrikes intensified, especially against tunnels containing operatives and Israeli hostages, an immediate decision was made to move them above ground. Strikes on the tunnels later grew more severe.

A turning point

The sources said the move out of the tunnels “marked a turning point.” Tunnels were then used mainly for movement between locations or for specific attacks. They were no longer used except cautiously and temporarily by leaders or by prominent field operatives as hiding places.

Despite the growing danger, some Hamas and Qassam leaders continued to use them. Hamas political bureau members Rawhi Mushtaha and Sameh al-Sarraj were killed alongside Qassam field commanders in a tunnel in the industrial area south of Gaza City in July 2024.

The late Qassam commander Mohammad Sinwar and Qassam commander Mohammad Shabana were also killed, along with others, in a network of tunnels near the European Hospital in Khan Younis in May 2025.

One field source said: “Many field circumstances pushed political and military leaders at the time to resort to the tunnels and use them as hiding places, amid intensified Israeli pursuit of the movement’s and the brigades’ leaders.”

“The options were narrowing more and more,” they added.

Mourners carry portraits of Izz al-Din al-Haddad, the slain chief of the Qassam Brigades, who was killed in an overnight Israeli strike along with his daughter and wife, during their funeral in Gaza City on May 16, 2026. (AFP)

The same source said Haddad was among those who frequently used tunnels to move from place to place at the height of Israeli operations in northern Gaza.

Haddad, he said, survived more than once by remaining underground while Israel operated above him, using tunnels to move from one area to another.

But Haddad and others did not see tunnels as reliable hiding places, the source said.

For long periods during the war and after the ceasefire, they stayed above ground, moving in hiding by different means, without security escorts, and in ways meant to prevent Israel from tracking them. They also communicated through different channels.

Three Hamas field sources said several leaders repeatedly used tunnels, including Mohammad Sinwar and late Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who was killed in a sudden clash with an Israeli force in October 2024.

Shrinking room to hide

Tunnel destruction was not the only factor. The four Hamas sources said Israel’s expanded control east of the “yellow line”, which covers about 60% to 70% of Gaza, has pushed most of the population west of the line. That has narrowed the space for faction leaders and operatives to find safe or unmonitored locations.

The sources said most leaders and operatives of Palestinian factions are now confined to specific areas, like hundreds of thousands of Gaza residents living in the western parts of the strip after losing their homes and other places assigned to them.

Many stayed with their families or nearby, living in tents and other shelters like many others, making them more exposed to Israeli tracking and surveillance.

Palestinians inspect the site of a destroyed building as smoke billows following an Israeli airstrike in the Al-Rimal neighborhood of Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 15 May 2026. (EPA)

Spy technology and voiceprints

Field sources in Gaza give significant weight to Israeli spy technology in explaining how Israel has reached Hamas and Qassam leaders so quickly.

They agree on the role of spy drones that heavily patrol Gaza’s skies, along with other tools and human intelligence, including informants working with Israel.

One source said Israel has relied heavily on “the technological factor generated by artificial intelligence,” especially through modern Israeli-made drones using advanced cyber programs to track voiceprints, and possibly vital signs, to locate certain leaders in specific places.

The field source, who had reviewed investigations with suspected collaborators, said the drones eavesdrop on calls within specific, defined ranges after jamming them to isolate the voices coming from them or their surroundings. That, they said, may indicate the presence of a person whose voiceprint Israel has obtained through earlier phone recordings or a previous arrest.

The source said some informants working with Israel had managed to “plant various spying devices, some containing cameras and recording equipment, and others the size of an insect,” dropped by drones or planted by ground forces in areas they raided during the war.

One field source said, “Many informants were arrested and executed. A small number were from inside Hamas and the Qassam themselves, while most were from outside it.”

They said: “A person from outside Hamas was arrested after it became clear that he was linked to Haddad’s assassination, after he was spotted at the assassination site and at another location where Haddad had also been present.”

Two sources confirmed the suspect was being interrogated.

“The detainee confessed that he had been tracking Haddad on instructions from an Israeli intelligence officer, who was giving him specific locations where Haddad’s family was present,” said one of the sources.

At the height of the war in Gaza, Palestinians were executed by members of Palestinian factions after being arrested at Israeli attack sites. The Qassam described the proceedings against them as “revolutionary courts.”

They included one person from inside Hamas and another from outside it. Both were accused of “providing information that led to reaching Qassam commander Mohammad Deif, who was assassinated in July 2024.”


Syrians Mourn a Former Chess Champion as Her Death Is Confirmed 13 Years Later

People attend a protest in memory of dentist and former chess champion Rania al-Abbasi, her husband, and their children, after National Commission for Missing Persons (NCMP) reports confirmed that her children were killed in Syrian government detention facilities during the rule of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at the Faculty of Dental Medicine, in Damascus, Syria, June 1, 2026. (Reuters)
People attend a protest in memory of dentist and former chess champion Rania al-Abbasi, her husband, and their children, after National Commission for Missing Persons (NCMP) reports confirmed that her children were killed in Syrian government detention facilities during the rule of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at the Faculty of Dental Medicine, in Damascus, Syria, June 1, 2026. (Reuters)
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Syrians Mourn a Former Chess Champion as Her Death Is Confirmed 13 Years Later

People attend a protest in memory of dentist and former chess champion Rania al-Abbasi, her husband, and their children, after National Commission for Missing Persons (NCMP) reports confirmed that her children were killed in Syrian government detention facilities during the rule of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at the Faculty of Dental Medicine, in Damascus, Syria, June 1, 2026. (Reuters)
People attend a protest in memory of dentist and former chess champion Rania al-Abbasi, her husband, and their children, after National Commission for Missing Persons (NCMP) reports confirmed that her children were killed in Syrian government detention facilities during the rule of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at the Faculty of Dental Medicine, in Damascus, Syria, June 1, 2026. (Reuters)

Hundreds of people flocked to a tent in Damascus on Wednesday to mourn a former national chess champion who went missing 13 years ago along with her husband and six children, after their deaths in Syria's civil war were finally confirmed.

Surviving relatives of Rania al-Abbasi announced Sunday that they had seen evidence that the family had been killed by pro-government gunmen shortly after they were detained in 2013, and that they would set up a giant tent in the city on Tuesday and Wednesday to receive condolences.

“We had hope. We’ve been looking for them for 13 years in every way possible,” Rana's brother Wael al-Abbasi said in an interview with The Associated Press. “Then we got the horrible news that they were killed the same day they were arrested.”

The case of Rania al-Abbasi, who also was a dentist and who had been accused of funding the opposition, was well-known in Syria, and this week's revelations have received wide coverage in the country's news media. Photos of the family have been all over social media. Many people have said the killers should be sentenced to death.

Mohammad Shukri, Syrian minister of religious affairs, visited the tent in the Rukneddine neighborhood and said the country's new government is making sure that the culprits are held accountable. “They must get their punishment,” he said.

More than 100,000 people went missing in areas once controlled by forces loyal to now-ousted President Bashar Assad and many are believed to have died under torture run by the country’s powerful security agencies. The number could be higher, because many Syrians were too scared to complain under Assad, now in self-exile in Russia. Some people are now coming forward requesting information about missing loved ones.

During the early years of Syria’s conflict, which started with peaceful pro-democracy protests and later became a civil war after a brutal regime crackdown, many people were killed, and the fate of many remains unknown. The conflict left nearly half a million people dead.

People attend a protest in memory of dentist and former chess champion Rania al-Abbasi, her husband, and their children, after National Commission for Missing Persons (NCMP) reports confirmed that her children were killed in Syrian government detention facilities during the rule of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at the Faculty of Dental Medicine, in Damascus, Syria, June 1, 2026. (Reuters)

The fate of the al-Abassi family was revealed following the arrest of an ex-intelligence officer, who allegedly was involved in the killings, surviving family members said. Amjad Yousef had appeared in a video leaked four years ago that purportedly showed him and his comrades fatally shooting dozens of people during the war.

Al-Abbasi’s family was shown another video that was not made public showing the children dead after apparently being strangled or beaten to death.

Wael al-Abbasi said that his brother-in-law, Abdul-Rahman al-Yassin, was detained on March 9, 2013 while his wife and children were detained four days later.

“We were holding on to hope to find one or two of the kids (alive),” he said.

Yousef, the ex-intelligence officer, was arrested by Syria's new authorities in April in the central province in Hama where he had been hiding. He has been undergoing questioning since then.

Wael al-Abbasi said he and other relatives saw a video in which Yousef was talking and pointing the camera at the children in a dark room that may have been part of a detention center.

“He was filming the kids and naming each one of them. Those were our kids, there was no room for doubt that it’s them, they were even wearing the same clothes,” he said.

The children’s ages were from 1 1/2 to 14. They were identified as Ahmad, Dema, Najah, Intisar, Alaa and Layan. He said a couple of them had their faces bloodied.

The brother said he hoped that Yousef and others involved in the killings would go on trial and be hanged. “They’re criminals and we have proof of that through videos. We want the whole chain, all the way up to Bashar Assad. We want them all to hanged.”

Since the fall of Assad, several top officials in his government and security agencies have been detained and some have been put on trial.

Al-Abbasi’s cousin, Doa’a al-Abbasi, said that the family had been worried that the children might have been trafficked, but now they know the truth.

“What is this brutality? What is this hatred? They waited for them to come home from school so he can kill them,” she said, referring to the children. “There are many people like Amjad Yousef and we hope they will all be held accountable."


Israeli Strikes Kill Three People in Gaza, Medics Say

Mourners react during the funeral of brothers Saqer and Moamen ‌Khalil Abu Karim, who were killed in an Israeli strike, according to medics, at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
Mourners react during the funeral of brothers Saqer and Moamen ‌Khalil Abu Karim, who were killed in an Israeli strike, according to medics, at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
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Israeli Strikes Kill Three People in Gaza, Medics Say

Mourners react during the funeral of brothers Saqer and Moamen ‌Khalil Abu Karim, who were killed in an Israeli strike, according to medics, at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
Mourners react during the funeral of brothers Saqer and Moamen ‌Khalil Abu Karim, who were killed in an Israeli strike, according to medics, at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)

Israeli strikes killed ‌three Palestinians in Gaza on Wednesday, health officials said, and the Palestinian group Hamas said an end to such attacks was crucial to further talks on safeguarding a US-brokered ceasefire.

Medics said one Palestinian was killed in an airstrike near the Mughraqa area in the central Gaza Strip.

The Israeli military said it had struck a person acting suspiciously near forces operating in an Israeli-controlled area to remove the threat.

A separate Israeli airstrike killed two ‌brothers - Saqer and Moamen ‌Khalil Abu Karim - in the courtyard ‌of ⁠a house in ⁠the nearby Maghazi refugee camp, medics said.

Israel's military did not immediately comment on the incident.

The ceasefire brokered by US President Donald Trump has failed to halt Israeli attacks in Gaza, and left Israel in control of over half the enclave following the conflict that began with Hamas ⁠attacks on southern Israel in October ‌2023.

Indirect talks on implementing ‌the second phase of the deal, which includes the group's disarmament ‌and Israeli army withdrawals, are deadlocked.

Sources close to the ‌talks said further negotiations had been expected this week in Egypt, but Hamas denied it had sent delegates to Cairo.

A Hamas official told Reuters on Wednesday the group has been ‌in daily contact with mediators and underlined the need for Israeli attacks in Gaza ⁠to stop.

"Israel ⁠has so far rejected ending its attacks, it continues to restrict aid and goods coming into Gaza and expand its occupation, in stark violation of the ceasefire agreement," the official said.

Israel says its strikes are aimed at thwarting imminent attacks. It also says it allows aid and goods to flow into Gaza.

Some 930 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli strikes since the truce began, according to figures from Gaza health officials that do not distinguish between combatants and civilians.

Four Israeli soldiers have been killed by fighters during the same period, Israel's military has said.