Haftar Mum on Libya Ceasefire Deal, GNA Calls for Mercenaries Pullout

A member of the troops loyal to the GNA rides a military vehicle as he prepares before heading to Sirte, on the outskirts of Misrata, on July 18. (Reuters)
A member of the troops loyal to the GNA rides a military vehicle as he prepares before heading to Sirte, on the outskirts of Misrata, on July 18. (Reuters)
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Haftar Mum on Libya Ceasefire Deal, GNA Calls for Mercenaries Pullout

A member of the troops loyal to the GNA rides a military vehicle as he prepares before heading to Sirte, on the outskirts of Misrata, on July 18. (Reuters)
A member of the troops loyal to the GNA rides a military vehicle as he prepares before heading to Sirte, on the outskirts of Misrata, on July 18. (Reuters)

Libyan National Army (LNA) commander Khalifa Haftar has yet to comment on the permanent nationwide ceasefire that was brokered by the United Nations earlier this week.

The accord, concluded after talks between military representatives of Fayez al-Sarraj's Government of National Accord (GNA) and the LNA in Geneva, will be followed by political discussions in Tunisia next month.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, informed Libyan sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the rival parties are beginning to implement the agreement on the ground.

LNA spokesman Ahmed al-Mismari said that Haftar has not commented on the truce and that he was awaiting his official statement.

Mismari also denied claims attributed to him that he had apologized for the LNA’s war on Tripoli last year and earlier this year.

On the other side of the divide, the GNA Defense Ministry called for the immediate withdrawal of all mercenaries from oil facilities and military positions in Libya in a gesture of goodwill ahead of their pullout from the country.

It warned that some mercenary groups deployed at oil fields and the al-Jufra base “may be out of control and will need to be dealt with carefully and firmly.”

The High Council of State warned on Friday of the possible violation of the ceasefire by “rebellious” forces – a reference to the LNA – that do not recognize the presence of mercenaries among their ranks.

Spokesmen for the GNA’s Volcano of Rage operation, Mohammed Qanunu expressed doubts that the ceasefire would hold.

Qanunu, who was present at the Geneva talks, was skeptical over the ceasefire that “does not call for holding to account those involved in the aggression against Tripoli and other cities in western Libya.”

Moreover, he questioned the LNA’s ability to have “more than 5,000 Wagner group mercenaries and others from Syria, Sudan and Chad” withdraw from Libya

“We don’t believe they have the power to make such a demand, meanwhile the Wagner group continues to set up bases and fortifications and dig up trenches,” he added.

He also demanded that the UN dispatch monitors to the central city of Sirte and Jufra, describing them as hotbeds for foreign mercenaries.



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.