Greek Development Minister: Cooperation between Riyadh, Athens Has No Limits

Greek Minister of Development and Investment Adonis Giorgiadis (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Greek Minister of Development and Investment Adonis Giorgiadis (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Greek Development Minister: Cooperation between Riyadh, Athens Has No Limits

Greek Minister of Development and Investment Adonis Giorgiadis (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Greek Minister of Development and Investment Adonis Giorgiadis (Asharq Al-Awsat)

A high-ranking Greek official said that the visit of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to Greece would establish a strategic partnership between the two countries, in light of existing agreements that enhance cooperation in defense, security, economy and trade.

Minister of Development and Investment Adonis Giorgiadis told Asharq Al-Awsat that the visit would witness bilateral talks with the Greek prime minister to coordinate positions and sign cooperation agreements, pointing to the need to strengthening relations to enhance current and future partnerships.

Maximizing economic, commercial and investment cooperation

The Greek minister stressed the importance of Saudi Arabia’s new vital initiatives that promote the green economy and protect the environment, within the framework of Vision 2030.

He said that a memorandum of understanding was signed between the Greek Development Bank (HDB) and the Saudi Public Investment Fund to facilitate investment in the two countries

Giorgiadis noted that cooperation between Greece and Saudi Arabia was based on a long legacy of relations that date back to several centuries.

“There are Greek companies investing in Saudi Arabia, while we found signs of a real desire by a number of Saudi companies to invest in Greece,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.
He added that the two countries have set up a joint investment forum in order to maximize economic, trade and investment cooperation.

“Our relationship is now at its best,” the Greek minister underlined.

He continued: “A few months ago, we signed a defense agreement with Saudi Arabia. It was the first time that Greece sent Patriot missiles to the Kingdom… to protect vital infrastructure in the field of energy.”

Giorgiadis added that it was the first Greek military presence outside the Mediterranean region in decades, except for operations within NATO.

Defense cooperation reflects the solidity of the bilateral relationship

The Greek minister pointed to important meetings with officials in the main sectors, noting that the investment forum that was held in Riyadh was attended by more than 200 participants, who represented the public and private sectors to discuss ways to push cooperation to broader horizons.

“On the investment level, we are working to attract Saudi investments to Greece and vice versa in various sectors, including tourism,” the minister said, adding: “We look forward in the near future to a huge Saudi investment in the sectors of renewable energy, cyber-security and agriculture. Through economic cooperation driven by military cooperation, we reach the highest level of bilateral strategic collaboration.”

The effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on Europe are real

Regarding the Greek stance on the Russian-Ukrainian war and its impact on his country, Giorgiadis said: “Our position on the Russian war on Ukraine was clear. We denounced the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a violation of international laws.”

He added: “Greece is part of Europe, which means that it is directly affected by the war.”

However, the Greek minister of Development and Investment underlined the necessity to find an alternative to Russian gas and energy sources to create a state of balance.

He said that Saudi Arabia was able to find a way to stabilize the global energy market, which confirmed the depth of Saudi-European relations.

Regarding the challenges posed by the wave of migrants and refugees, Giorgiadis said: “We have welcomed the Ukrainian refugees and we are working to arrange their situation. As for refugees from different parts of the world, especially from areas of conflict and war, including migrants from Africa, their case represents a great dilemma for Greece.”

Securing maritime navigation in the region

On the importance of securing maritime navigation in the region, the Greek official said: “With regard to the waterways, we are working with Saudi Arabia to secure maritime navigation, and we have already sent soldiers for this purpose. We will continue to defend the Kingdom, and we believe that we all have to work for the stability of the region.”



Abubakr Al-Qirbi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Ali Abdullah Saleh Anticipated His Fate at the Hands of the Houthis

Saleh with Hosni Mubarak in 2003 (AFP) 
Saleh with Hosni Mubarak in 2003 (AFP) 
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Abubakr Al-Qirbi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Ali Abdullah Saleh Anticipated His Fate at the Hands of the Houthis

Saleh with Hosni Mubarak in 2003 (AFP) 
Saleh with Hosni Mubarak in 2003 (AFP) 

Former Yemeni Foreign Minister Dr. Abubakr Al-Qirbi reflected on the unraveling of Yemen’s political landscape following 2004, the year that marked the beginning of a complex and eventually fatal relationship between the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Houthi movement.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat in the second and final part of an in-depth conversation, Al-Qirbi shares personal insights on the war, Iran’s influence, the Arab Spring, and how Yemen’s long-time ruler foresaw his tragic end.

According to Al-Qirbi, Saleh first began to see the Houthis as a threat around the year 2000, when they started building external alliances, including with Iran and Libya, and shifting from religious activism to overt political mobilization. This culminated in the first armed conflict between the Yemeni government and the Houthis in 2004.

Al-Qirbi believes the Houthis’ turn toward Iran was a direct consequence of the wars waged against them in Yemen. “They sought a protector, and they found one in Iran,” he said, noting that Tehran’s support came not only from the government but also from religious institutions.

He recounted that he personally visited Iran twice to address Yemen’s concerns, meeting both President Mohammad Khatami and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. “We stressed three things: Yemenis—Sunnis and Zaydis—had coexisted peacefully for centuries; regional peace depended on non-interference; and Iran needed to stop supporting the Houthis, even indirectly.” Tehran, for its part, assured him of its commitment to Yemen’s stability but, Al-Qirbi implied, offered little practical restraint.

Talk of Succession

Reflecting on the 2006 elections, Al-Qirbi described them as a turning point: “It was the first time Saleh truly earned his win, receiving 60 percent of the vote in a competitive race.” He insisted the process was largely free and fair, with credible international observers in attendance.

These elections, however, intensified internal political strife. There was growing suspicion that Saleh was preparing his son for succession, a rumor that dogged his later years and stirred discontent among Yemenis and international stakeholders alike.

The Arab Spring: Shock and Opportunity

Yemen, like much of the Arab world, was caught off-guard by the speed and ferocity of the Arab Spring. Al-Qirbi acknowledges that while the regime anticipated regional change - particularly after 9/11 and increased US civil society activity - the spark from Tunisia was unexpected.

“Saleh wasn’t surprised by the demands for reform,” Al-Qirbi noted, “but he questioned the method. His position was that change should come through democratic institutions, not by toppling governments.”

During the mass youth sit-ins and growing opposition movements, Al-Qirbi believes Saleh recognized the West’s shifting stance. “He realized that the US and others were now saying plainly: Saleh must go.” Despite this, the president insisted any transition should occur constitutionally, not through force.

One of the most poignant moments in the interview comes when Al-Qirbi addresses Saleh’s reaction to the downfall of fellow Arab leaders like Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi. “It deeply affected him,” Al-Qirbi said. “These were men he knew personally. Watching them fall, especially so brutally, had a profound impact.”

Saleh, according to Al-Qirbi, was aware of the cost of clinging to power.

“He could have crushed the protests with force. He had the means, but he chose not to, fearing the chaos it might unleash.” Ultimately, Saleh agreed to a Gulf-brokered deal to step down in 2011, ushering in Vice President Abed Rabbuh Mansour Hadi as his successor.

From Vice President to Rival: The Hadi Transition

Al-Qirbi was a strong supporter of Hadi’s elevation to the presidency, arguing that his long service as vice president and his lack of overt political ambition made him a natural and unifying choice. But the relationship between the two men quickly deteriorated.

“Saleh began to feel that Hadi was sidelining him from the General People’s Congress (GPC),” Al-Qirbi said. “He felt betrayed, especially when Hadi began appointing his own loyalists to represent the party in the National Dialogue Conference.”

This rift widened dramatically as Houthi forces advanced through northern Yemen. While some accused Saleh of allying with the Houthis to settle scores with political rivals, Al-Qirbi disputes this characterization. “He never truly allied with them. At best, there was a tactical understanding, and even that crumbled once they reached Amran.”

Al-Qirbi confirms that Saleh had urged Hadi to stop the Houthi advance before they reached Sana’a, a warning that went unheeded. “Saleh expected the government to act, but it didn’t. That was a pivotal moment.”

The Fall of Sana’a and Saleh’s Final Days

When the Houthis seized Sana’a in 2014, Al-Qirbi was in the city. He recalls the shock that swept through the capital as government forces surrendered without resistance. “Nobody expected it to happen so easily,” he said.

Despite forming a brief partnership with the Houthis, Saleh grew increasingly uneasy. Al-Qirbi recounts how Houthi supervisors effectively controlled ministries, sidelining GPC ministers and eroding Saleh’s influence.

By 2017, tensions reached a breaking point. As Saleh prepared to commemorate the anniversary of the GPC’s founding, Houthi forces viewed the event as a political threat. That same year, they killed him.

“Saleh anticipated it,” Al-Qirbi admits. “He understood the risks of engaging with the Houthis and sensed early on that they were not true partners.”

Al-Qirbi speaks of Saleh with a mix of admiration and reflection. “He was a flexible leader, willing to engage with enemies, and he preferred dialogue over violence. Had he been a man of force, he could have crushed the protests. But he chose restraint.”

Asked whether Saleh’s long rule prevented the building of a true Yemeni state, Al-Qirbi acknowledges both internal constraints and missed opportunities. “There were moments - after reunification, after the 1994 war, and especially after 2006 - where a stronger state could have been built. But like many revolutionary leaders, Saleh became too focused on power and too cautious to make drastic reforms.”

On Yemen’s famously complex tribal and political fabric, Al-Qirbi supports Saleh’s infamous quote likening governance in Yemen to “dancing on the heads of snakes.” He agrees, “It’s an accurate description. Balancing tribal, regional, political, and external interests is an impossible act.”

Hope for Unity?

Despite everything, Al-Qirbi remains cautiously optimistic about Yemen’s future. “Yemen must return to unity. Without it, there can be no long-term stability,” he insists. But he warns that foreign interference remains a significant obstacle. “The day Yemenis are left to negotiate among themselves is the day peace becomes possible.”

Asked whether the Houthis could be brought under the authority of a national government, he offers a realist’s view: “There are now three centers of power: Sana’a, Aden, and the internationally recognized government. None are truly sovereign in their decisions. But if dialogue is given a real chance - without outside manipulation - Yemenis will find a solution.”