Tsurkov’s Final Night in Baghdad: Alone Near the Tigris

Elizabeth Tsurkov is taken by ambulance to a hospital after her release in Ramat Gan, Israel, September 10, 2025. REUTERS
Elizabeth Tsurkov is taken by ambulance to a hospital after her release in Ramat Gan, Israel, September 10, 2025. REUTERS
TT

Tsurkov’s Final Night in Baghdad: Alone Near the Tigris

Elizabeth Tsurkov is taken by ambulance to a hospital after her release in Ramat Gan, Israel, September 10, 2025. REUTERS
Elizabeth Tsurkov is taken by ambulance to a hospital after her release in Ramat Gan, Israel, September 10, 2025. REUTERS

In the first week of September 2025, Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah concluded it had no option but to release Israeli-Russian researcher Elizabeth Tsurkov even if it meant surrendering a valuable bargaining chip without reward, multiple officials and faction insiders told Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to sources, the decision marked the end of the group’s fraught relationship with what is known as the “Iraqi resistance coordination,” and followed weeks of increasingly complex arrangements for her handover. These included security contacts, factional negotiations and discreet transfers between sites.

On Sept. 9, Tsurkov was left alone for four hours in one Baghdad property before a government-designated force arrived to collect her.

Asharq al-Awsat spoke with a US State Department official, Iraqi government advisers, security personnel and members of two armed factions to piece together what was described as a “liberation operation.”

Those interviews suggested Iraq’s government opened a security track against the abductors in parallel with “tough” American warnings over the consequences of prolonged detention. Kataib Hezbollah, sensing it had exhausted potential gains from holding her longer, delivered her under pressure.

Advisers and militia elements told Asharq Al-Awsat that Kataib Hezbollah was effectively forced into releasing Tsurkov “after a political siege and negotiations that escalated since August, under pressure from the Iraqi government and the United States.”

“The release of Princeton University student Elizabeth Tsurkov came after a decisive partnership with Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani,” a US State Department spokesperson told the newspaper.

On Sept. 11, as photographs circulated showing Tsurkov en route to an Israeli hospital, a Kataib Hezbollah official said the faction had made “a concession for the sake of public security, to avoid embarrassing the government and to support it.”

Tsurkov, a Princeton doctoral student, had vanished in Baghdad in March 2023. Israel later accused Kataib Hezbollah of abducting her. In May 2025, Asharq Al-Awsat reported that negotiations for her release were in their final stage.

After she was handed to the US embassy in Baghdad, supporters of Kataib Hezbollah spread word that the release was part of a wider bargain: a US troop withdrawal pledge and an Israeli prisoner swap. Iranian outlet Tasnim cited Iraqi sources to claim Israel would release Lebanese and Iraqi detainees, including naval officer Imad Amhaz, captured in Lebanon in late 2024.

But political sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Lebanon had received no notice of any such return. Hezbollah officials did not mention Amhaz in a speech on Sept. 10.

A commander of another Iraqi faction allied with Kataib Hezbollah confirmed to the newspaper that Tsurkov was freed “without any deal.”

A politician within the Coordination Framework – the coalition of Shiite parties that dominates government and is aligned with the “resistance axis” – told Asharq al-Awsat the handover to Israel heralded “an unprecedented split” inside the camp.

“For years, these factions operated together under Revolutionary Guard direction,” he said. “Now some are siding with the government, while Tehran has shown no reaction. Kataib Hezbollah feels bitter, even toward pro-Iran Shiite factions.”

Accounts gathered by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal that multiple actors became involved in the handover, and their competing agendas produced conflicting narratives. Still, most agreed on one key detail: Tsurkov spent her last hours in Baghdad alone in a rented house in Jadriya, an affluent district by the Tigris River favored by Shiite leaders and militia commanders.

Sources said she was moved there on the final day, near the new Iraqi central bank headquarters. The property was owned by a retired politician and leased by a senior militia figure for sensitive meetings, according to the paper.

Armed men in military garb brought her in, one helping her down from a tinted car due to severe back pain. She had undergone spinal surgery a week before her abduction, and months of shifting between safehouses worsened her condition, Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The armed men left, later alerting a security body to the location. Initially hesitant, a government unit eventually entered the house and “found Tsurkov alone.”

During her captivity she had been moved between buildings, sometimes disguised by decoy façades. US forces twice located her, but failed to reach her, officials said.

Israeli channel i24 aired footage on Sept. 11 of Tsurkov struggling to walk in a Tel Aviv hospital, leaning on a companion.

Negotiations intensified in recent months, according to a political adviser and a security official who spoke to the paper. Kataib Hezbollah’s leverage had ebbed after a July clash with the Iraqi army in southern Baghdad, in which Sudani accused the militia of “breaking the law.”

Two sources from armed factions said Quds Force advisers urged Kataib Hezbollah not to escalate against the government. Political intermediaries floated swap proposals, but the group concluded Tsurkov had become a burden.

By Sept. 9, both sides “reluctantly reached the end,” an Iraqi mediator said. The government pressed its advantage with US backing.

On Sept. 6, President Donald Trump signed an executive order sanctioning hostage-takers. Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned of “severe” penalties for state or non-state actors. The same day, new US Chargé d’Affaires Joshua Harris met Sudani, raising expectations of a breakthrough.

“The message to Kataib Hezbollah was clear: the government was ready to confront them, backed by Washington,” a government adviser told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Inside Baghdad’s ruling coalition, fears spread of looming US sanctions targeting the Shiite-led political system. While no major measures materialized, some parties began quietly signaling pragmatic readiness to adjust their stance, a Shiite politician told the newspaper.

A US State Department spokesman said the release was “a practical embodiment of peace through strength.” A senior militia commander stressed: “Not a single shot was fired in this liberation.”

One member of Sudani’s team said the government applied “political and security pressure” to block ransom or prisoner-exchange demands. An Iraqi politician called it “a battle in which no trigger was pulled.”

On Sept. 9, government forces and senior officials arrived to take custody of Tsurkov. Exhausted, she listened warily as one officer explained: “You are free now... you can trust everyone in this room.”

Only when reassured in English did she comply. Iraqi authorities checked her documents, ran medical tests, and asked the US embassy to conduct further examinations.

Armored vehicles escorted her to the embassy, and later to the airport. Before departure, she retrieved books and belongings she had bought in Baghdad markets, Asharq Al-Awsat said.

While she rested in a Baghdad hotel under government protection, US diplomats hesitated to receive her without Washington’s green light. Trump abruptly announced her release, catching officials by surprise.

A source close to Sudani said he “resented the US rush” but chose to let Trump “reap the benefits” rather than risk derailing the outcome.

Analysts told the paper that Sudani aims to secure a second term and saw the case as strengthening his credentials with Washington. “The governing coalition is now laying mines for him after the Tsurkov bomb was defused,” one said.

For Kataib Hezbollah, the ordeal ended with humiliation. “They lost their bargaining chip and got nothing,” a Baghdad security official told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The episode, Iraqi politicians say, may mark a realignment. Some factions are tilting toward cooperation with the government, while others cling to Iran’s “resistance” camp.

“This was a battle without gunfire,” a senior official said. “But it may ignite a deeper political war inside the Shiite camp – over Iraq’s future direction.”

Tsurkov, reunited with her family in Israel, thanked those who helped secure her release, Israeli media reported. For Iraq, the affair has underscored Sudani’s precarious balancing act: keeping US ties alive while managing fractious allies who once marched in lockstep under Tehran.



‘Happiest Day of Our Lives’: Gazans Hold Mass Wedding Among Ruins

 Brides waiting to be wed look on during a mass-wedding celebration for Palestinian couples organized by the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in Gaza City on May 11, 2026. (AFP)
Brides waiting to be wed look on during a mass-wedding celebration for Palestinian couples organized by the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in Gaza City on May 11, 2026. (AFP)
TT

‘Happiest Day of Our Lives’: Gazans Hold Mass Wedding Among Ruins

 Brides waiting to be wed look on during a mass-wedding celebration for Palestinian couples organized by the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in Gaza City on May 11, 2026. (AFP)
Brides waiting to be wed look on during a mass-wedding celebration for Palestinian couples organized by the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in Gaza City on May 11, 2026. (AFP)

Wearing traditional Palestinian dresses, the white fabric intricately embroidered in a rainbow of colors, dozens of smiling brides clutched red bouquets as they walked with their grooms past the tents and ruined buildings of Gaza City.

To the tune of popular songs played from loudspeakers in a city square, the couples whose marriages had been long-delayed by war and displacement, sat on stage with joy written across their faces.

Thousands turned out to watch the mass wedding against the backdrop of buildings gutted by Israeli strikes over the course of the devastating two-year war.

Attendees clapped and smiled as a troupe performed the dabke, an Arabic folk dance, while women's ululations echoed through the crowd.

"I can't quite believe that I'm finally getting married," Ali Mosbeh told AFP at the start of the ceremony.

"I was sitting in the tent when my phone rang... I couldn't believe it. I'm still in shock," he said, recounting the moment he received the call informing him that he was among the 50 young men selected.

The mass wedding is one of many to have been organized since a ceasefire took effect in Gaza in October. This particular event was organized and funded by the Turkish humanitarian organization IHH.

The smartly-dressed grooms wore traditional Palestinian kuffiyeh scarves adorned with the Turkish organization's logo, while the brides' bouquets were dotted with small Turkish flags.

For Mosbeh and his bride Huda al-Kahlout, the high cost of weddings had also posed an obstacle to tying the knot.

"I never imagined I'd get married in such circumstances," he said.

People gather during a mass-wedding celebration for Palestinian brides and grooms organised by the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) in Gaza City on May 11, 2026. (AFP)

- 'Carry on living' -

Most of Gaza's population was displaced at least once during the war between Israel and Hamas, with hundreds of thousands still living in tents or makeshift shelters.

Mosbeh said he would now share a tent with his wife while hoping to find a job -- something that has become near impossible in Gaza.

"Our future is uncertain; we depend on aid to survive," admitted Kahlout, but said that despite "war, loss and death... Marriage remains a beautiful milestone for us young people".

"Most of the buildings around the venue have been destroyed and reduced to rubble, with the martyrs buried beneath them," said fellow bride, Fayqa Abu Zeid.

But she added: "We are trying, despite everything, to find joy and carry on living."

Before the war, "the newlyweds would move into a flat with new furniture. Today, we move into a tent, if there is one," she said.

But despite the devastation, her husband Mohammed al-Ghossain was smiling.

"We are very happy," he said. "It is the happiest day of our lives."


Hantavirus Outbreak Tests Post-COVID Health Communications Playbook

The cruise ship MV Hondius, affected by a hantavirus outbreak, leaves the port of Granadilla de Abona, Tenerife, Spain on May 11. (Reuters)
The cruise ship MV Hondius, affected by a hantavirus outbreak, leaves the port of Granadilla de Abona, Tenerife, Spain on May 11. (Reuters)
TT

Hantavirus Outbreak Tests Post-COVID Health Communications Playbook

The cruise ship MV Hondius, affected by a hantavirus outbreak, leaves the port of Granadilla de Abona, Tenerife, Spain on May 11. (Reuters)
The cruise ship MV Hondius, affected by a hantavirus outbreak, leaves the port of Granadilla de Abona, Tenerife, Spain on May 11. (Reuters)

A rodent-borne virus with a scary name. A mid-ocean cruise ship in quarantine. Several people dead and more falling sick.

It is no wonder that an outbreak of the Andes strain of hantavirus on a luxury liner in the Atlantic has revived some COVID-era trauma and panic online.

That has presented a dilemma to health officials: how to communicate quickly and clearly about a virus which is not new and unlikely to cause a pandemic, but where knowledge gaps remain - without inadvertently fomenting fear.

"Hantavirus thread incoming," posted the health department of Illinois state in the US earlier this week about a risk-free case unrelated to the MV Hondius cruise ship outbreak.

"But you have to promise to read this whole thread before panic-texting your group chat. Deal?"

In interviews with Reuters, half a dozen health officials said they were trying to learn from mistakes around COVID, providing information on hantavirus with more empathy while addressing uncertainties and tackling falsehoods.

"We spend half of our time discussing how we will communicate," said Gianfranco Spiteri, emergencies lead at the EU's European Center for Disease Prevention and Control.

During COVID, many governments were slow to react or in denial, public messaging was sometimes confusing and contradictory, restrictions and vaccine rollouts were applied differently round the world, and misinformation and politicization proliferated.

That helped fuel modern mistrust of institutions. For example, faith in public health institutions declined in 20 of 27 EU countries ‌between 2020 and ‌2022, one study showed.

JUGGLING THE COMMUNICATIONS

Spiteri and others at the forefront of the hantavirus response spoke about the need ‌to balance ⁠explanations of why ⁠it is a serious global health event with reassurances that risks to the public are low and honesty over the open questions about a virus that has rarely spread among humans before.

"There are people who say we are overdoing it, and on the other extreme, that we’re not doing enough," he said. "We always base our messages on the evidence we have."

From a look at social media, their efforts are still a work in progress, with many people needlessly fretting about a return to lockdowns, social distancing and masks.

"We have kind of lost perspective," said Gustavo Palacios, a professor at Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in the US who is originally from Argentina and a hantavirus expert.

An outbreak can be a major public health event deserving attention and action but without becoming a pandemic, he noted.

Some posts online falsely present hantavirus as a bigger existential threat than COVID, or promote ⁠protections like the ivermectin anti-parasite drug, vitamin D and zinc without scientific evidence.

False conspiracy theories are popping up too - that it ‌is a side effect of the Pfizer vaccine or a hoax to boost pharmaceutical profits.

Sander van der Linden, ‌a psychology professor at England's University of Cambridge and misinformation expert, said the public needed more support in how to interpret information, including potentially showing them conspiracy theories they may face in ‌the event of an outbreak.

"We need to do more preparatory work to create resilience in the population," he said.

As of Thursday, there had been three deaths ‌from 11 reported hantavirus cases in the outbreak, all people who had been on board the Hondius. Dozens of other passengers are being monitored as they return to around 20 countries.

Unlike COVID, there are established measures to control hantavirus' spread, officials said. The strain has circulated in parts of Argentina and Chile for decades and the ship samples show no meaningful variation from that virus.

"I'm definitely seeing improvements," said Gabby Stern, former head of communications at the World Health Organization until September last year, referring particularly to sharing what you know when you know it.

"It seems like ‌the public health community has absorbed crucial lessons, although not all of them."

'EMOTIONAL REACTION' TO CRUISE SHIP

The WHO was quick to reassure the public, holding regular press conferences, issuing alerts and tackling misinformation in social media Q&As since the ⁠outbreak was disclosed on May 3.

WHO chief ⁠Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus even took the unusual step of an open letter to the people of Tenerife, where the Hondius docked on Sunday.

"But I need you to hear me clearly: this is not another COVID," he wrote. "The current public health risk from hantavirus remains low. My colleagues and I have said this unequivocally, and I will say it again to you now."

Some started more slowly: in the US, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention put out its first information on May 8, five days after the news broke, but has since increased the pace of communications.

"One of the things this is teaching us is a lesson we should have learned from COVID: What we say is really important," said Michael Osterholm, an infectious diseases expert at the University of Minnesota.

The cruise ship hantavirus narrative has not helped, echoing the infamous outbreak on the Diamond Princess docked off Japan early in the COVID pandemic in 2020 where 14 people died and nearly a quarter of the 3,000 passengers and crew became infected.

"The whole cruise ship thing ... is a very significant memory from the beginning of COVID," said Krutika Kuppalli, associate professor of medicine at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center.

"There’s an emotional reaction that is stirring people."

The resemblance was not lost on Laura Millán, 40, in Tenerife, as passengers began to disembark at the beginning of this week under strict infection-control measures.

Seeing WHO boss Tedros arrive on the island with Spanish officials to help oversee the hantavirus response took her back.

"It gave me the impression that this isn’t just the flu – otherwise all these people wouldn’t be coming," she said at a playground, adding that overall she understood their involvement helped ensure the right measures.


Mines ‘Draining Türkiye's Water Sources’, Environmentalists Warn

This aerial view shows protesters during a protest march against mining at the Aybasti Plateau in Ordu Province, northeastern Türkiye, on May 8, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows protesters during a protest march against mining at the Aybasti Plateau in Ordu Province, northeastern Türkiye, on May 8, 2026. (AFP)
TT

Mines ‘Draining Türkiye's Water Sources’, Environmentalists Warn

This aerial view shows protesters during a protest march against mining at the Aybasti Plateau in Ordu Province, northeastern Türkiye, on May 8, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows protesters during a protest march against mining at the Aybasti Plateau in Ordu Province, northeastern Türkiye, on May 8, 2026. (AFP)

Guney was once a water-rich village fed by 50 springs in Türkiye's western Usak province, but since a gold mine opened 20 years ago, they have all dried up.

"Before, you only had to drill 60 meters to find water," said Ugur Sumer, environmental activist and resident of Guney, which is about 170 kilometers (100 miles) east of the resort city of Izmir.

"Today, even drilling 400 meters yields nothing. The mine has used all our water."

With Türkiye hosting COP31 in November, its own environmental record is being scrutinized, and activists have warned about the growing number of water-intensive mining projects as resources dry up.

Since 2000, Türkiye has rapidly expanded the number of drilling and mining permits granted, notably for gold and coal. The number reached 410,000 last year after the procedures were streamlined by a new law adopted in July.

"I am convinced this law will speed up the arrival of foreign investment in Türkiye," Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar said in March while visiting Canada.

While there, he met officials from the Tuprag gold mine in Usak, which is owned by Vancouver-based Eldorado Gold.

Türkiye is hoping to hike its gold production from 28 tons to 100 tons per year "without compromising human health and the environment", Bayraktar said. It also wants to be a major player in global rare earths.

But experts and environmentalists warn this explosion in mining permits is endangering water resources and the economies of rural areas.

Not only does the extraction of metals like gold involve large amounts of water, but it also uses cyanide and releases other pollutants, posing major environmental and health risks.

According to official data, in 2024 mining used 5.8 percent of Türkiye's 20.3 billion cubic meters of water consumption -- four times the amount used in 2016.

This photograph shows harvested hazelnuts in the province of Ordu, in northeast Türkiye on May 7, 2026. (AFP)

- Farmers' protest -

On the Aybasti plateau in the northeastern Ordu province, villagers turned out en masse earlier this month to protest plans to mine an area they use for farming.

"Our pastures have been closed off because of an exploratory drilling plan for a gold mine," said Nuriye Dilek, a 48-year-old livestock farmer.

"What are we supposed to do if we can no longer raise livestock? Are we supposed to abandon our land and leave?"

Farming and animal husbandry are the main sources of income for locals in this region known for its hazelnuts, which are exported across the world.

"Once the gold mine opens, we won't be able to grow hazelnuts here anymore," says Omer Aydin, a nut producer and exporter.

"What's above ground here is more valuable than what's underground. The real gold is the hazelnuts this country produces," he said.

"We are hearing that 80 percent of Ordu's land has been declared a mining site," he told AFP.

"We're extremely concerned."

Last month, the government's anti-disinformation unit Center for Combating Disinformation denied claims "a large portion of land" was being actively used for mining.

It said the total area corresponded to "only 0.18 percent of Türkiye's surface area", denouncing efforts to "tarnish the mining sector".

- 'Excessive use of water, chemicals' -

But the increase in mining permits has infuriated environmentalists, including Ozer Akdemir, who says investment in the sector is being prioritized at the expense of pollution risks and harm to local economies.

"Mining uses excessive water and chemicals. The water isn't just used, it's also polluted," explained hydrologist Erol Kesici.

"The whole world is experiencing a prolonged drought, but Türkiye is also facing a severe hydrological drought," he said of a phenomenon where rainfall shortages hit the wider water system, depleting water bodies and groundwater.

"Our lakes, rivers and groundwater reserves have dried up as a direct consequence of poor water management," said Kesici.

He recently resigned from Türkiye's National Water Council over its "inaction".

Protesters stand next to placards reading “No to the mine” during a protest march against mining at the Aybasti Plateau in Ordu Province, northeastern Türkiye, on May 8, 2026. (AFP)

"When mountains are levelled to dig mines, the ecosystem is destroyed. Heat islands form, reducing rainfall and consequently groundwater levels," he explained.

"How is it possible to grant so many mining permits? Türkiye is suffering from over-exploitation," he said.

For lawyer and activist Arif Ali Cangi, the legislation approved in July, which allows companies to expropriate or rezone agricultural land for mining, will only aggravate the situation.

"Environmental impact assessments and oversight mechanisms are now completely ineffective," he told AFP.

"There are now no longer any obstacles to mining operations being set up anywhere."

- 'Pollution is killing farming' -

Using emergency procedures, mining permit requests can be fast-tracked so companies can immediately seize land, a move that seeks to hobble the growing protest movement across Türkiye, Cangi said.

Among them are villagers from Ikizkoy in the Mugla region, who have mobilized to protect their olive groves from plans to expand a nearby brown coal lignite mine.

Back in Guney, local resident Sumer said the issue of protecting water sources from overexploitation or pollution was ultimately a matter of survival.

"In 2006, nearly 2,000 residents suffered from vertigo, sight problems and nausea after it rained in Guney, with blood tests showing cyanide in their blood," he said.

"Pollution is killing livestock farming and grape harvests, once the backbone of the local economy," he said.

"We wonder how we're going to survive."