Hezbollah Pressure on Military Court Undermines Lebanon’s Weapons Ban

Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
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Hezbollah Pressure on Military Court Undermines Lebanon’s Weapons Ban

Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 
Blankets are distributed at a school converted into a shelter in Beirut, where a banner displaying images of leaders and members of Hezbollah can be seen (EPA). 

Lebanon’s government decision to prohibit any military or security activity by Hezbollah has yet to translate into meaningful enforcement.

Hezbollah has continued to escalate its military operations, launching rockets and drones toward Israeli territory, while signs of deteriorating security have appeared inside Lebanon, particularly among displaced residents who have fled southern Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Security agencies have struggled to identify those responsible for launching rockets toward Israel. However, Lebanese forces recently recorded a notable development with the arrest of around 30 individuals affiliated with or supportive of Hezbollah.

The detainees were apprehended while fleeing alongside civilians from southern areas and the southern suburbs of Beirut after being found carrying individual weapons, including assault rifles, pistols and grenades.

The arrests appeared to signal a tentative shift in how Lebanon’s security and judicial institutions handle the issue of illegal weapons. Yet the move quickly ran up against what officials say is Hezbollah’s continuing influence over judicial decisions.

Last week, the military court tried three Hezbollah members detained days earlier. The court imposed a fine of 900,000 Lebanese pounds —about $10 — on each of them for possessing unlicensed military weapons and waived any prison sentence.

The ruling diverges sharply from typical sentences in similar cases, where possession or transport of unlicensed weapons usually carries at least a one-month prison term.

Judicial sources say the unusually lenient sentence reflects pressure exerted by Hezbollah on the military court to secure the release of its detained members.

According to the sources, the group sought their release last Thursday and pushed for their trial to be held the following day. The military prosecutor’s office objected, resulting in the hearing being postponed until Monday.

The verdict also drew criticism from the government commissioner to the military court, Judge Claude Ghanem, who promptly appealed the ruling before the Military Court of Cassation, requesting tougher penalties.

A judicial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the ruling was “extremely lenient and failed to account for all the legal provisions under which the suspects were charged.” The source added that the commissioner had received preliminary investigation files concerning four additional detainees and was preparing to file charges against them in the coming hours while seeking stricter sentences.

Only hours after the verdict was issued, Lebanese Justice Minister Adel Nassar ordered that the civilian adviser to the military tribunal, Judge Abbas Jaha, be referred to the Judicial Inspection Authority for investigation.

A Justice Ministry source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the referral stemmed from “the circumstances surrounding the trial and his failure to object to this suspicious ruling.” The source noted that another member of the court panel, a military officer, had opposed the decision while Jaha approved it without reservation.

Weapons and rising tensions in host communities

Legally, the arrest of armed Hezbollah members represents a direct application of the government decision banning any military or security activity by the group. In principle, the ruling applies to anyone carrying weapons outside state authority and places them under threat of prosecution.

The more pressing challenge, however, lies in dealing with armed individuals among displaced populations.

Several neighborhoods in Beirut, including Hamra, Ras Beirut, Sakiat al-Janzir and Ain al-Remmaneh, as well as the towns of Aramoun and Kfarshima in Mount Lebanon, have witnessed repeated incidents involving gunfire, displays of weapons and confrontations with local residents.

Videos circulating on social media show armed men threatening residents, including footage recorded Sunday in Aramoun.

These incidents have heightened anxiety among host communities already grappling with mounting social and economic pressures.

Some residents say the security measures in place remain “below the required level,” arguing that the absence of deterrent action risks encouraging further incidents and creating the impression that the law is applied hesitantly when those involved are linked to Hezbollah.

A Lebanese security source, however, insisted that authorities treat all security incidents seriously. Delays in reaching certain locations, the source said, often result from limited personnel and the difficulty of maintaining coverage across all displacement areas.

Security forces maintain a near-permanent presence at the entrances of schools and facilities housing displaced people, the source added, while most incidents occur in nearby streets and neighborhoods. Patrols respond immediately to reports of gunfire or clashes, detaining suspects or pursuing them if they leave the scene.

Nevertheless, the official acknowledged that the continued incidents could lead to broader friction between displaced populations and local residents — particularly in densely populated areas — at a time when host communities are already under severe economic strain and displacement is expected to continue for months.

 

 



US Auditors Find No Evidence Linking Iraq PM-Designate to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
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US Auditors Find No Evidence Linking Iraq PM-Designate to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards

Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)

A US law firm said an independent investigation it recently conducted found no evidence linking Iraq’s prime minister-designate, Ali al-Zaidi, to financial activities tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, adding that restrictions imposed on him in 2024 were due to reputational risks, not proven involvement in money laundering.

The clarification comes as al-Zaidi’s surprise designation to form a government in Baghdad, succeeding Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, faces political scrutiny over his background, after a bank he owns was included in restrictions by the Central Bank of Iraq on access to US dollars, as part of what was described at the time as a campaign to combat illicit financial flows.

Representatives of K2 Integrity, who asked not to be named because they are not authorized to speak publicly, said an independent probe by the firm found no credible evidence linking al-Zaidi or Al-Janoob Islamic Bank to the Quds Force and did not identify direct financial transfers from the bank to regional entities classified as high risk.

One representative told Asharq Al-Awsat that the restriction recommended by the US Treasury and the New York Federal Reserve on Al-Janoob Islamic Bank was limited to US dollar transactions and was driven by reputational concerns and the bank’s ownership, rather than confirmed violations related to money laundering or financing Iran-linked entities.

Al-Zaidi, a businessman who owns companies with his brother and partners, including Al-Oweis, Al-Janoob, and Dijlah TV, is seen as an opaque figure in Iraq’s political landscape.

His designation came amid public US opposition that led to Nouri al-Maliki’s exclusion from the race, while unannounced objections were also reported to have sidelined al-Sudani.

Restrictions linked to Iran

In February 2024, Iraq imposed restrictions on eight local banks, including Al-Janoob Islamic Bank, preventing them from accessing US dollars through the central bank window. The move was part of Washington’s efforts to curb money transfers to Iran.

A US Treasury spokesperson said at the time the measures aimed to protect Iraq’s financial system from abuse, citing concerns that US currency could be used in illegal activities.

The case highlights the ongoing challenge facing Baghdad in balancing its ties with both the United States and Iran, given its heavy reliance on the US dollar. Iraq receives about $10 billion in cash annually from the Federal Reserve, according to official estimates.

The US Embassy in Baghdad welcomed al-Zaidi’s designation, expressing support for efforts to form a government that reflects the aspirations of the Iraqi people. This follows months of political deadlock and comes amid pressure from the administration of Donald Trump, which had threatened to cut support to Iraq if al-Maliki returned to power.

Al-Zaidi faces a 30-day deadline to form a government, amid sharp divisions within the Coordination Framework and as regional tensions escalate following military strikes on Iran in February 2026 and subsequent attacks by armed groups on US interests in Iraq.


Syria Justice Chief Says Pursuing Assad Regime Requires Patience

Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
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Syria Justice Chief Says Pursuing Assad Regime Requires Patience

Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)

Syria’s judiciary has begun investigating four senior figures from the former regime accused of war crimes against Syrians, even as the National Transitional Justice Commission has yet to complete the formation of its council, raising questions over whether the move falls within a transitional justice framework, particularly in the absence of a dedicated law.

Commission head Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif said the referrals are part of that process.

“Referring the four former regime figures to the courts falls within the path of transitional justice,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that the move was coordinated with the Ministry of Justice.

His remarks come amid doubts about the state’s willingness to hold former regime figures accountable.

Public Prosecutor Judge Hassan al-Turba said on July 30 that prosecutions had been launched against several defendants accused of crimes and violations against Syrians, as part of efforts to implement transitional justice, ensure accountability, and protect victims’ rights.

Those targeted include former officials under Bashar al-Assad: Atef Najib, Ahmad Badr al-Din Hassoun, Mohammad al-Shaar, and Ibrahim al-Huweija.

Justice process launched

On May 17, Syria’s president issued a decree establishing a transitional justice commission to uncover violations by the former regime, hold those responsible accountable, and provide redress to victims.

The decree describes transitional justice as a cornerstone for building a state governed by the rule of law, guaranteeing victims’ rights, and achieving national reconciliation.

The decree appointed Abdul Latif to lead the body and tasked him with forming a team and drafting internal regulations within 30 days. It grants the commission legal personality and financial and administrative independence, with authority to operate across Syria.

Abdul Latif, born in Deir al-Zor in 1963, studied law at the University of Aleppo and holds advanced degrees in police and legal sciences.

He headed the Qamishli district before defecting in 2012 and later served as secretary-general of the Syrian opposition National Coalition until the regime’s fall.

The commission will examine complaints related to the Assad government’s crackdown on protests that began in March 2011.

Alleged violations include chemical attacks, widespread aerial bombardment with barrel bombs, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, and systematic torture in detention centers, which rights groups say killed or disappeared hundreds of thousands of civilians.

Draft law in the works

Abdul Latif said a draft law on transitional justice and serious violations is being prepared and is expected after the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Trials will cover “all types of crimes defined in the decree,” including genocide, war crimes, torture, enforced disappearance, and the use of toxic and chemical gases, as defined under the Geneva Conventions.

On the prospect of prosecuting Bashar al-Assad and his brother Maher, who have fled abroad, Abdul Latif said Syrians are waiting for justice but warned that building legally sound cases will take time.

“Nothing is achieved easily,” he said.

Broad accountability

The commission is preparing to establish committees, compile case files, and refer them to the judiciary for the issuance of arrest warrants.Abdul Latif said it would work with international bodies to ensure justice and support for victims. Accountability will span both Hafez al-Assad and his son, covering 54 years of rule.

Abdul Latif said it would be “unethical” to ignore crimes under Hafez al-Assad, including the 1982 Hama massacre, as well as killings in Jisr al-Shughour, Aleppo’s Masharqa neighborhood, and abuses in Tadmor prison.

He said residents of Hama have asked whether the commission will address the largely overlooked massacres of the 1980s. “The commission will listen to all,” he said.

Focus on past crimes

The process will cover the period before Dec. 8, as stipulated in the decree. “Transitional justice addresses past crimes,” Abdul Latif said, noting that current violations fall under the transitional government’s ministries of defense, interior, and justice.

While the commission is not directly responsible for those cases, he did not rule out a role where relevant.

On crimes committed by non-Syrian armed groups before the regime’s fall, Abdul Latif said the decree targets violations by the former regime. However, any Syrian harmed by any group can file a complaint with the commission, which will review it.

Building the commission

Since mid-May, the commission has received about 120 applications. Fifteen will be selected to join the council alongside the chairman, bringing the total to 16 members.

Other applicants will be assigned to specialized teams supporting committee work, with victims at the center of the commission’s mandate.

Abdul Latif said he has met representatives from more than 20 countries and around 30 local and international civil society organizations in recent weeks. Discussions have focused on creating a compensation fund under Syrian sovereignty with international support, given the scale of destruction and the state’s limited capacity.

He said reconstruction could form part of compensation, at least through partial repairs to damaged homes.

Syrian organizations, he added, bring significant expertise in human rights, transitional justice, and the issue of missing persons. They will form a second pillar of the commission’s work, alongside a third made up of legal academics and historians tasked with documenting violations and preserving national memory.

Complaints mechanism

The commission is preparing to launch an online platform and dedicated phone lines to receive complaints, alongside a witness protection program.

Cases will be reviewed by specialized committees, including a truth-seeking body tasked with gathering evidence and building case files.

Drawing on global experience, Abdul Latif said some countries prioritized reconciliation while others focused on accountability.

Syria, he said, will pursue both tracks in parallel to ensure justice and pave the way for national reconciliation.

Globally, such processes have taken five to eight years. Syria’s decree sets a five-year mandate, with the possibility of extension.

“We hope to complete the work within five years,” Abdul Latif said.


Hamas Revives Momentum for Political Bureau Chief Election

Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, and Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya (file photo, Hamas media)
Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, and Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya (file photo, Hamas media)
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Hamas Revives Momentum for Political Bureau Chief Election

Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, and Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya (file photo, Hamas media)
Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, and Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya (file photo, Hamas media)

Two sources in the Palestinian group Hamas said on Wednesday that the movement has resumed the process of electing a new head of its political bureau, pending the full selection of its members.

The move restores momentum to the leadership race after it stalled at least twice in January and February.

A source inside Gaza told Asharq Al-Awsat that “conditions that had been hindering the elections have been resolved,” opening the way for the process to restart.

He said some of those conditions were linked to internal organizational disputes in the enclave, adding that once settled, the decision was made to resume the process, alongside external political and security factors and ongoing negotiations.

Hamas faces its most severe crisis since its founding in 1987, after Israeli strikes launched in response to the Oct. 7, 2023, attack hit multiple wings and levels of the group, triggering organizational and financial strains.

Estimates suggest Khaled Meshaal, head of the political bureau abroad, and Khalil al-Hayya, head of the political bureau in Gaza, are the leading contenders.

Observers and figures inside and outside Hamas say al-Hayya is backed by members in Gaza and the Qassam Brigades, while Meshaal has stronger support in the West Bank and abroad.

A source outside Gaza said the vote will take place across all accessible arenas, inside Gaza, the West Bank and abroad, depending on conditions, with a decision expected soon.

For about a year and a half, a leadership council has been managing Hamas affairs.

At the start of this year, a new push began to elect a leader for the remainder of the current political bureau’s term, originally due to end in 2025 and extended by one year, pending broader elections expected at the end of this year or early next year.

An attempt to hold the vote in mid-February was disrupted by the US-Israeli war on Iran, sources said at the time.

The vote will be limited to selecting a new political bureau chief to lead Hamas inside and outside the territories. Full elections for the bureau are not expected before the end of this year or early 2027.

The current leadership council, which includes Hamas leaders in Gaza, the West Bank and abroad, along with the movement’s secretary-general, and is headed by Shura Council chief Mohammed Darwish, will become an advisory body overseeing the group’s internal and external affairs.