The latest book of Amin Maalouf, the Lebanese author and Permanent Secretary of the French Academy, which was recently published by the prestigious French publishing house, Edition Grasset, is a must-read. “The Labyrinth of the Lost: The West and Its Enemies” examines the current manifestation of the struggle between the West and its opponents throughout history.
It goes over the courses taken by four great historical powers: the Meiji era of Japan, which has now blown the entire world away with its industrial development; Soviet Russia, which had posed a grave threat to the West for three-quarters of a century before it collapsed; China, which has become the primary challenger of the West’s supremacy in this 21st century through its developments, demographic weight, and rival ideology; and finally the United States of America, which has stood up to the opponents who challenged it and became the globe’s police force and planet Earth’s leading superpower.
In this context, Amin Maalouf is right to ask: “Is the West really in decline?” He answers this question at the outset: yes. This descent is real, and it sometimes takes the form of political and moral bankruptcy.
However, those fighting the West and challenging its supremacy, for good or bad reasons, are even more perilous facing failings. Neither the Westerners nor their rivals have the capacity, today, to lead humanity out of the labyrinth in which it finds itself. Thus, it is crucial that we rethink the frameworks and tracks governing and managing our world today, if we are to ensure a safe future, a world without cold or hot wars, and endless conflicts for hegemony.
Maalouf introduces and concludes his book with the claim that we are caught in a twisted monster. He explains that the notion that humanity must be led by a hegemonic power, a lesser evil that should not subjugate others, is misguided... No one deserves to occupy this position, not China, the US, Russia, India, England, Germany, France, or even a unified Europe. Any of these powers, without exception, would become arrogant, predatory, tyrannical, and despised if they found themselves capable of anything, regardless of the righteousness of their principles. This is the great lesson that history offers us, and accepting it would be the foundation for satisfactory solutions.
We all hope so. In my view, however, the problem is far bigger. The global order has, first of all, become marked by ambiguity, uncertainty, and unpredictability. Secondly, the number of influential actors is constantly rising. Looking into this question from the perspective of the sociology of international relations leads us to conclude that the logic of the old order resembled that of a complex three-dimensional chess game. On the upper board was the largely unipolar military power, and the US has maintained this superiority. To date, the US remains the only country that can send deterrent forces to various regions of the world.
On the middle board, economic power was multipolar for over a decade, and the main players are the United States, Europe, Japan, and China, along with others of increasing importance. On the lower board, we find transnational relations; this encompasses non-state actors, such as bankers transferring money electronically, terrorists, hackers threatening cybersecurity, and global challenges like pandemics, climate change, and so on.
Amin Maalouf's theory leads us to another idea he developed in a previous book “Adrift: How Our World Lost Its Way.” In his view, there are emerging or nascent nations now becoming powerful on the international scene, which has become shaped by an arms race, and they are imposing themselves on everyone; and we face collective climate, environmental, and health threats that loom over the planet. Thus, he explains, “we can only confront them through universal solidarity, which we must pursue because it is the only way to avoid the peril they would create.”
At the same time, the author reinforces his thesis by highlighting the major shift underway on the international stage and their profound implications for civilizations. The United States’ position on the international stage is changing radically, it is losing its moral legitimacy. In Europe, which had, in the past, boasted of its human and moral principles to its citizens, the author believes that policies antithetical to those principles are being adopted. Meanwhile, the Arab and Islamic world is caught in a deepening crisis.
Nonetheless, a deep dive into the history of international relations demonstrates that it has always had contradictions. Indeed, they were more pronounced at times. This leads us to conclude that civilizations will endure so long as economic resources, political systems, ethical traditions, and the pursuit of science and arts (the component parts of civilization) remain.
However, the struggle to shape the world order will remain heated, and the influence of the United States will decline relative to the past, as will its stature. Other countries like China and others will rise in prominence, but they will not become as hegemonic as the US has been for decades. Rather, these countries will become economically and industrially influential, and they will lead non-Western military alliances.
These players have understood globalization, and they have astutely and successfully embraced its rules. For instance, they offer any country they deal with commercially that one nation's economic success does not necessarily imply the failure of the other. They have gone beyond the friend-enemy dichotomy and opted for a “win-win” framework.
