"Liberation and Justice" is a hypothetical title for the ministerial statement of Lebanon's "reform and rescue" government. Nawaf Salam’s appointment as prime minister, following the election of President Joseph Aoun, was seen as a positive surprise by the public.
This shock soon gave rise to immense optimism about the formation of the new president’s first government. Its prime minister revived the principles of the Taif Agreement and the constitution in forming the government, breaking with the Doha Agreement's ad hoc conventions: the "blocking third" under the pretext of "sectarian balance". He largely succeeded in appointing non-partisan ministers, favoring so-called "competent figures", and presenting a government that does not resemble any of the governments that have been formed since the Taif Agreement and have taken us to rock bottom. As a result, this government almost looks like a normal government in a functional country.
Despite the significant political shift that led to his appointment (largely propelled by the winds of the October Revolution), the government has a notable flaw: none of the "October" youths are represented, although they have vast capabilities and expertise. Their exclusion could have been avoided, as most cabinet members were imposed by Salam. Ignoring these October activists thus marks an extension of the policy of sidelining elites who had played a pivotal role in exposing the corrupt system, forcing it into the defensive, and bringing Salam to the fore as the October-endorsed candidate to lead a government of hope and change.
The serious October forces, despite recognizing this flaw in the reform and rescue government, are developing their organizational structures to build a strong popular bloc that pushes for change. This bloc seeks to present the Lebanese with a program that underpins their campaign in the spring 2026 general elections, in which they will nominate candidates for every seat in Lebanon’s 128-member parliament.
That said, this effort will not prevent them from engaging selectively with the government, which includes many figures who share the October movement's vision.
As the country awaits the ministerial statement, a broad set of challenges and pressing tasks loom. Full liberation is at the heart of this challenge- success is pivotal to reclaiming the hijacked state. Achieving this objective demands a firm approach to securing a permanent ceasefire, the enforcement of Israel’s unconditional withdrawal, and implementing UN Resolution 1701 within a short time frame. It also entails ensuring that only legitimate state forces have the right to bear arms, as well as the deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces along the southern, eastern, and northern borders.
It is clear that the international community will not provide aid- whether for reconstruction or economic recovery- if those goals are not achieved. The first step is putting an end to Hezbollah’s narrative of both the ceasefire agreement and the UN resolution. Disregarding the fact that the resolution applies to all of Lebanon, starting with the south, is unacceptable. The government must also remain vigilant and stand against any attempts by Hezbollah to compensate for its military losses.
The era of illegal arms has ended. Hezbollah has lost its legitimacy and can no longer override the constitution, national interests, and the will of the people. It has lost the war, and with it, every justification it has used to defend its arsenal- justifications that were never valid in the first place. What was once described as a deterrence force has instead led to the country's destruction and drawn occupation of our territory. Even within Hezbollah’s own base, that militarization is futile. With Iranian influence waning in Syria, its grip on Lebanon must also come to a definitive end.
As for ensuring justice, it is the ultimate test- the standard by which everything else will be measured. Trust in the government will either be solidified or completely evaporate depending on this issue. Justice must begin with an independent judiciary capable of delivering accountability for Beirut, the victims of the port explosion, and those wounded during the revolution. This must be a binding commitment. Moreover, justice for the Lebanese people, who have suffered immensely, must be non-negotiable. Their deliberate impoverishment and the judiciary’s subjugation by politicians have deprived citizens of their basic rights and left tens of thousands of families living in destitution.
The major challenge in ensuring justice is formulating a fiscal reform plan that breaks with the policies of the past five years, which have placed the burden of the crisis on the most vulnerable segments of society while completely disregarding the people's economic hardships.
It must be emphasized that without a just resolution to the deliberate crisis of deposits, the government cannot be one of "rescue and reform." If it fails to act, it risks losing the trust of the public, and Lebanon risks failing to restore confidence in its banking sector, which needs to be rebuilt from the ground up. Without a functioning banking system, we cannot have a productive economy, and consequently: we would not create employment opportunities, grow our economy, or prosper.
Nawaf Salam’s government, which is supposed to lay the foundations of a new era, faces another challenge. Beyond the critical issue of the Ministry of Finance and its implications, there is mounting apprehension that the government could be gridlocked by the 10 cabinet members who are either board members of banks or legal representatives of banks.
Was Judge Nawaf Salam given assurances that the cabinet he has assembled will adhere to the long-disregarded principle of justice in Lebanon? This is a country where immunity, special courts, and laws ensuring impunity have long shielded the powerful. Will this government truly break that cycle, or will it fall into familiar patterns?
