Bandar bin Abdul Rahman bin Moammar
Saudi writer and researcher
TT

Western Media and Saudi Arabia: The Difference Between Understanding a Crisis and Understanding a State

Since King Faisal's 1973 decision to impose an oil embargo on a number of countries, Riyadh has occupied an increasingly prominent place in international media, and Saudi Arabia's domestic and foreign affairs have become a focal point for the global press.

Then came 1979, a year marked by developments that shook the region: the fall of the Shah's regime in Iran, the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Makkah, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. These successive events, despite their different nature, raised legitimate concerns about regional stability and global energy security.

In 1985, when Riyadh abandoned its role as OPEC's "swing producer" and oil prices subsequently collapsed, virtually every piece of news coming from or about Saudi Arabia became a basis for speculation about future oil prices and their potential impact on the global economy.

The tragedy of Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the repercussions of the September 2001 attacks, and the terrorist attacks that later struck Saudi Arabia beginning in 2003 further intensified international attention toward the Kingdom, especially with the rise of satellite broadcasting and, later, the internet.

Amid these developments emerged a generation of Western journalists and analysts focused on Saudi affairs. Their understanding of the Kingdom varied in depth and accuracy, but many approached Saudi Arabia through analytical frameworks seemingly designed to understand other countries.

Because sensationalism is often more attractive to readers than clear-headed analysis, the realities of Saudi Arabia rarely generated the same level of interest. Throughout these periods, Western predictions of Saudi Arabia's decline were commonplace, as though it were a newly established state rather than one with roots stretching back three centuries.

Yet Saudi Arabia endured crises and wars, emerging from each challenge stronger than before, despite centuries of hardship and scarce resources in the Arabian Peninsula, which had long lacked a centralized state comparable in scale and strength to the one established by the Al Saud family.

On June 3, 1996, Time magazine published a report on Saudi Arabia following the health crisis suffered by King Fahd bin Abdulaziz in late 1995. The article included predictions and analyses regarding the ruling establishment, the management of state affairs, and the future direction of the country.

Reading those forecasts today reveals how limited they were in understanding the reality and history of the Saudi state, especially when compared with Time's coverage in April 1975 of King Faisal's assassination and the unity and cohesion demonstrated by the ruling family during that monumental event.

It is not surprising, either then or now, for the media to question Saudi Arabia's position and the threats it faces. Yet similarities in the types of threats confronting different countries do not erase the differences in their history, political and social structures, and internal resilience.

A closer examination of these milestones leads to an important observation. If some Western analysts were capable of carefully assessing the crises facing Saudi Arabia, why did so many fail to understand the Saudi state itself?

Understanding a crisis requires knowledge of its roots, the parties involved, and the surrounding balance of power. Understanding a state, however, requires a deeper grasp of its history, the nature of its institutions, its social contract, and its historical record of adapting to change and confronting challenges.

An analyst may accurately assess the severity of a threat yet err by assuming that the outcome experienced in another country will inevitably be repeated in Saudi Arabia.

Ideological bias may also have played a role in some of these assessments. During the heyday of Arab nationalism and socialism, it was unsurprising that some observers viewed revolutionary movements as the region's inevitable future and Arab monarchies as systems in decline. Yet history does not always unfold according to ideological expectations, nor do widely popular ideas automatically become political realities simply because they gain traction.

When ideology shifts from being a tool for understanding reality to becoming a standard by which reality is judged, predictions begin to reflect conviction more than objective foresight.

The influence of preconceived notions is not limited to a particular historical era. Dominant ideas may change, yet the same methodological flaw often remains: interpreting a state through a ready-made theoretical model instead of understanding it through its own unique experience.

There is another factor that should not be overlooked: Saudi Arabia's global importance influences how the West interprets its crises. When instability in a country poses a direct threat to energy security, financial markets, and international strategic interests, the question of what the world stands to lose if that country is destabilized tends to overshadow the question of whether the country itself can overcome the threat.

This does not mean that Western media have spoken with one voice regarding Saudi Arabia's present and future, nor that all their predictions have proven wrong. Assessments have varied, with some being more accurate than others. Likewise, not all the challenges they identified were imaginary. In many cases, they were genuine threats that Saudi Arabia itself acknowledged and confronted.

In 2016, following the launch of Saudi Vision 2030, Time magazine published an article on May 12 describing the reform plan as bold and modern but likely to fail. Yet ten years later, the Vision's annual reports indicate that 90 percent of its key performance indicators have either met or exceeded their interim targets, despite the fact that four years still remain before the program reaches its final horizon.

This example reminds us that judging major transformations at their outset is very different from evaluating their results after time has passed. It also highlights the distinction between analyzing ongoing events and confidently predicting their ultimate outcomes.

Today, as Saudi Arabia faces attacks on its holy sites, airports, and critical infrastructure by the Houthi terrorist militia, questions about security, stability, and economic consequences have once again moved to the forefront. These are legitimate concerns, and the threats should not be underestimated. Yet past experience urges us to distinguish between assessing the scale of a danger and rushing to definitive conclusions about its final consequences.

Over the past decades, Saudi Arabia has witnessed profound regional and international transformations and has confronted challenges arising from a wide variety of sources and methods. Its responses have not been identical in every case. While a state's history of overcoming crises does not make it immune to future ones, it does require observers to understand that state within its full historical and institutional context.

Perhaps, after all these years, the more important question is not why so many Western media predictions about Saudi Arabia proved wrong. Rather, it is why the outcomes of previous experiences did not prompt those making such predictions to better understand the reality of the Saudi state itself and reconsider the assumptions upon which their subsequent analyses were built.