Attacks in Baghdad Breach Fragile Militia Truce

An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
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Attacks in Baghdad Breach Fragile Militia Truce

An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)

A wave of coordinated attacks struck Baghdad in a sharp escalation of Iraq’s security tensions, pointing to a shift in armed factions’ tactics and signaling that an undeclared truce may have effectively collapsed, with the US’s “Victory Base” being among the targets.

The attacks began with a strike on the headquarters of Iraq’s Intelligence Service in the Mansour district. Security sources said the blast hit the communications tower and server systems inside the compound, killing two officers and wounding several personnel, some critically.

The Security Media Cell said a drone crashed inside the compound at 10:15 a.m., striking the communications tower, while air defenses moved quickly to engage it.

The Intelligence Service mourned one of its officers, describing the attack as a “terrorist” act carried out by outlaws. It said the strike was a failed attempt to disrupt its work and vowed to pursue those responsible and bring them to justice.

The repeated use of the term “terrorism” in official statements tied to attacks attributed to armed factions underscores rising friction between the government and these groups.

The escalation came two days before the end of a five-day truce announced by Kataib Hezbollah, which pledged not to target the US Embassy in Baghdad under mediation led by Supreme Judicial Council head Faiq Zaidan and National Security Adviser Qassem al-Araji.

The understanding appeared limited to the embassy, excluding other locations such as logistical support facilities near Baghdad airport.

Sources said the United States did not provide a clear response to the truce conditions, while the US chargé d’affaires denied the presence of weapons at Victory Base, saying it serves as a diplomatic support center.

Violence also flared outside Baghdad. The Al-Haliwa military airport in Tuz Khurmatu, east of Salahuddin province, was hit in an attack marked by four explosions.

The site hosts units from the 4th Regiment of the 52nd Brigade of the Popular Mobilization Forces. Initial reports pointed to no casualties, but the PMF later said one of its fighters was killed and others wounded, describing the strike as a “Zionist-American bombardment.”

Security forces imposed a cordon and launched an investigation.

In a parallel development, Ashab al-Kahf claimed a drone attack on Victory Base, located near Baghdad’s international airport, warning civilians to stay away from areas hosting US presence and saying its operations would intensify.

The claim is significant, suggesting the truce has effectively ended, even without a formal announcement.

US sources say the site referred to as Victory Base has not been an official military base since 2011, when the complex was handed over to Iraqi authorities. It is now used as a diplomatic support facility rather than a standalone combat base.

The developments point to growing signs that armed factions are rotating roles in carrying out attacks to obscure responsibility and complicate attribution, particularly in Baghdad, where targets span government facilities and sites linked to the US presence.

The escalation comes against a wider regional backdrop. Since fighting erupted between Iran, the US and Israel on Feb. 28, Iraqi factions close to Tehran have stepped up attacks on diplomatic sites and military bases in Iraq and the Kurdistan region, drawing a series of US strikes in response.

On March 19, 2026, Hadi al-Amiri, head of the Badr Organization, accused the US and Israel of carrying out attacks on PMF positions and called on Iraqi authorities to take firm measures to prevent further strikes, as tensions show no sign of easing.

 



Former Envoys Urge Joint French, UK Action on Palestinian Territories

Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
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Former Envoys Urge Joint French, UK Action on Palestinian Territories

Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)

Dozens of former senior French and UK diplomats on Saturday urged their governments to work together to uphold international law in the Palestinian territories, accusing Israel of seeking to "destroy" any prospect of a viable Palestinian state.

The 102 signatories of the letter published in Le Monde included former British ambassadors to the UN Jeremy Greenstock and Emyr Jones Parry as well the former directors for the Middle East at the French foreign ministry Yves Aubin de la Messuziere and Denis Bauchard.

They said the involvement of France and the UK was essential given the historic roles of the two powers in the Middle East and the fact that both permanent members of the UN Security Council, in 2025 recognized a Palestinian state.

"Our two nations believe that those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity must be held to account. Only then can our governments rebut the accusation of double standards. That is why they must act together to uphold international law in Palestine," said the letter.

It accused Israel of seeking "to destroy any prospect of an independent Palestinian state, showing contempt for the law, the rulings of the International Court of Justice and countless UN Security Council resolutions."

Israel launched a military campaign on the Palestinian territory of Gaza following the October 7, 2023 attack by the Hamas group against Israel.

Violence in the West Bank, occupied by Israel since 1967, has surged since the Gaza war began, sparking international concern over the conduct of Israeli troops and settlers.

France and Britain this week joined other countries in releasing a statement condemning the Israeli government's release of new tenders for construction in the occupied West Bank.

The letter said house demolitions and "rampant settler violence -- with the connivance of the Israeli army and police" in annexed east Jerusalem and the West Bank amounted to "ethnic cleansing"

"The world no longer sees Israel as a genuine democracy -- there is nothing democratic about depriving others of their rights and land," said the letter.


Fatah Senior Delegation Heads to Cairo to Meet Palestinian Factions

A member of the Fatah movement attends the 8th General Conference of Fatah, at Al-Azhar University in Gaza City, May 14, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
A member of the Fatah movement attends the 8th General Conference of Fatah, at Al-Azhar University in Gaza City, May 14, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
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Fatah Senior Delegation Heads to Cairo to Meet Palestinian Factions

A member of the Fatah movement attends the 8th General Conference of Fatah, at Al-Azhar University in Gaza City, May 14, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
A member of the Fatah movement attends the 8th General Conference of Fatah, at Al-Azhar University in Gaza City, May 14, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas

A senior delegation from the Fatah movement is expected to travel to the Egyptian capital Cairo on Saturday evening or Sunday morning to meet Egyptian officials, as well as Palestinian faction officials and representatives, to discuss legislative elections scheduled for Nov. 28.

The delegation will include Fatah Deputy Chairman and Palestinian Vice President Hussein al-Sheikh, Central Committee member Majed Faraj and Palestinian National Council Chairman Rawhi Fattouh.

Electoral Arrangements

An informed source from a Palestinian faction in Cairo told Asharq Al-Awsat that they were informed by some Fatah leaders about this high-level visit, aimed at meeting with various factions to make electoral arrangements.

Meanwhile, a source from a leftist faction said that the initiative to hold national meetings was a proposal from one of the leftist factions, with the aim of broadening options for the success of any elections.

According to the scheduled agenda for the visit, the Fatah delegation is expected to meet with a Hamas delegation, for the first time in a long period, after Fatah had refrained from any meetings for at least the past two years.

Most communications had been indirect, with messages conveyed between the two sides through various parties.

Broad Electoral Alliance

This comes amidst efforts by some Palestinian factions, including Hamas, to form an electoral alliance that includes Islamic Jihad, the Resistance Committees, and the Democratic Reformist Current led by Mohammed Dahlan, a dismissed Fatah leader, as well as another Fatah leader, Nasser al-Qudwa.

Qudwa has formed the National Democratic Forum which also faces disagreements with the movement's current leadership, which controls the Palestinian Authority's key institutions.

Hossam Badran, a member of Hamas's political bureau, affirmed his movement's position to participate in the elections through a broad national bloc comprising Palestinian factions and independent figures. Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he indicated that communication has begun with various parties and components, and many bilateral and collective meetings have been held to achieve this bloc.

A Hamas source told Asharq Al-Awsat that an initial agreement has been reached between these factions to form this alliance.

Leftist Factions

It was noted that the participation of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), both factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), in this alliance has not been confirmed.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned from a leading source in one of these factions that they have not yet agreed to the proposal to join the alliance, and are internally studying it with their organizational structures, suggesting that the two fronts might form a unified democratic alliance.

Recently, the Hamas leadership held a series of meetings with leaders from various Palestinian factions to discuss issues related to the ceasefire in Gaza, as well as the elections.

Islamic Jihad's Participation

Notably, Islamic Jihad has announced it will join the alliance, despite previously refusing to take part in elections, which it viewed as being held under the framework of the Oslo Accords.

Asharq Al-Awsat sought comment from Islamic Jihad leaders and spokespeople, but they did not respond to requests for comment.

A senior movement source in Lebanon said the issue of joining the alliance, or even participating in the elections, had not been decided and that broad consultations were under way within the movement.

Anticipated Postponement and Election Law

The development comes amid talk of a possible postponement of the elections until the end of March next year, with the aim of holding presidential and legislative elections simultaneously. The move is also intended primarily to revisit the political parties law, which has resurfaced after previously being put on hold. The law restricts the participation in elections of Palestinian factions that have armed wings.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas amended the election law, particularly provisions requiring electoral lists to commit to the program of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the recognized sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The program includes recognition of relevant international resolutions, including recognition of Israel, the renunciation of violence and other conditions that Hamas and other Palestinian factions had previously rejected.

It was unclear whether al-Sheikh and Faraj would discuss the possible postponement of the elections and amendments to the election law with Palestinian faction officials if the visit proceeds.

Arab and Islamic states are working to bridge differences between Fatah and Hamas over elections and other issues, while seeking to reform the Palestinian Authority and establish it as the governing body for the West Bank and Gaza amid continued Israeli attacks.


Khaddam: Despite My Warning, Hariri Stayed in Lebanon for Electoral Reasons, He Was Killed 6 Days Later

Abdul Halim Khaddam and Rafik al-Hariri meet in June 2001. (AFP)
Abdul Halim Khaddam and Rafik al-Hariri meet in June 2001. (AFP)
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Khaddam: Despite My Warning, Hariri Stayed in Lebanon for Electoral Reasons, He Was Killed 6 Days Later

Abdul Halim Khaddam and Rafik al-Hariri meet in June 2001. (AFP)
Abdul Halim Khaddam and Rafik al-Hariri meet in June 2001. (AFP)

Former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam reveals new details in his memoirs about a February 2005 meeting with late Lebanese former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri at his Beirut residence six days before his assassination.

The memoirs, edited and introduced by Ibrahim Hamidi, are due to be published in early September by Raff Publishing, a subsidiary of the Saudi Research and Media Group (SRMG).

Khaddam recalled that he and Hariri met over a lunch, where the Syrian official, concerned over the former PM’s life, urged him to leave Lebanon “immediately.”

They met on February 8, 2005. Hariri was killed six days later.

The memoirs are due to be published in early September by Raff Publishing, a subsidiary of the Saudi Research and Media Group (SRMG).

In January 2005, during a Baath party meeting at the Syrian presidential palace, then President Bashar al-Assad told the command members: "There is an American-French conspiracy against Syria, and Rafik al-Hariri is involved in it."

Khaddam said that he and the other members were surprised by this dangerous talk, and that two days later, he sent a verbal message to Hariri through former Lebanese Defense Minister Mohsen Dalloul, warning him that dangers were growing and he must leave Lebanon immediately.

On February 8, 2005, Khaddam traveled to Beirut for a medical appointment and accepted a lunch invitation from Hariri. The former PM was anxious and inquired about the message conveyed by Dalloul. Khaddam explained the situation and advised him to leave Lebanon immediately.

Hariri responded, "I have elections... how can I leave the people?"

Khaddam replied: "Your life is more important than the people, and your family is more important than the elections."

Khaddam and other officials take part in Hariri’s funeral on February 6, 2005. (AFP)

The memoirs note two striking details from that lunch. The first was Hariri’s inquiry about the role of Maher al-Assad, Bashar’s brother. He revealed that Aouni Al-Kaaki, owner of Al-Sharq newspaper had informed him that Maher was keen on forming ties with him – Hariri - and was ready to resolve the existing disputes between him and Bashar because he is viewed as "a loyal friend to Syria."

Khaddam replied: "You must be careful and leave Lebanon."

The second detail was Hariri’s revelation about his security detail: "I used to have 50 security personnel, but they withdrew them and left only six."

Six days later, on February 14, while Khaddam was attending a Baath meeting in Damascus, he saw the breaking news flash on a television in a colleague's office about a massive explosion in Beirut. It was subsequently reported that the explosion had targeted Hariri's convoy, killing him along with his security guards and several citizens.

Khaddam with Jumblatt at the Beirut hospital where Hamadeh was being treated after the attempt on his life in October 2004. (AFP)

Khaddam recounted that he informed the presidency of his intention to travel to Beirut to offer his condolences. The reply, which came through the president's chief of staff, said "If you wish to go, go in your personal capacity."

He did indeed attend with his wife and two sons, while the Syrian regime decided to boycott the funeral and the wake.

Syrian official newspapers carried the headline "Massive Explosion in Beirut" without Hariri's name appearing on their front pages, merely noting in the report that he was "among" the casualties - a detail Khaddam said further directed the accusation toward Bashar al-Assad.

The memoirs also shed light on an incident that preceded the lunch by four months: the assassination attempt on Lebanese Minister Marwan Hamadeh, an ally of then Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt, in October 2004, which Khaddam described as "a warning to all opponents of President (Emile) Lahoud in Lebanon."

He recounted that the following day, he called Rustom Ghazaleh, the head of Syrian military intelligence in Lebanon, to inform him that he was heading to Beirut to visit Hamadeh. He was received by Jumblatt at the Beirut hospital, along with his party leaders, and Jebran Tueni, while the injured minister was in the operating room.

Khaddam and then Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (C) during a meeting in June 2005. (AFP)

Khaddam noted that his direct contact with the president had effectively ceased since late October 2004, with communications subsequently taking place through his chief of staff or through written letters.

The strength of this testimony lies in its place within a sequence of publicly documented events: the extension of Lahoud’s presidential term on September 3, 2004, the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1559 a day earlier, the assassination attempt on Hamadeh, followed by the political and media campaign against Hariri, and ultimately, his assassination.

The memoirs do not render a judgment; rather, they add an insider perspective, completing a full countdown: an accusation within the command, a warning message, a final lunch, and then the February 14 explosion.

The details of the final lunch and the messages that preceded it appear in full in the chapter titled "The Assassination of Rafik Hariri" in Khaddam’s book.