Attacks in Baghdad Breach Fragile Militia Truce

An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
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Attacks in Baghdad Breach Fragile Militia Truce

An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)
An Iraqi armored vehicle near the US Embassy in Baghdad (AFP)

A wave of coordinated attacks struck Baghdad in a sharp escalation of Iraq’s security tensions, pointing to a shift in armed factions’ tactics and signaling that an undeclared truce may have effectively collapsed, with the US’s “Victory Base” being among the targets.

The attacks began with a strike on the headquarters of Iraq’s Intelligence Service in the Mansour district. Security sources said the blast hit the communications tower and server systems inside the compound, killing two officers and wounding several personnel, some critically.

The Security Media Cell said a drone crashed inside the compound at 10:15 a.m., striking the communications tower, while air defenses moved quickly to engage it.

The Intelligence Service mourned one of its officers, describing the attack as a “terrorist” act carried out by outlaws. It said the strike was a failed attempt to disrupt its work and vowed to pursue those responsible and bring them to justice.

The repeated use of the term “terrorism” in official statements tied to attacks attributed to armed factions underscores rising friction between the government and these groups.

The escalation came two days before the end of a five-day truce announced by Kataib Hezbollah, which pledged not to target the US Embassy in Baghdad under mediation led by Supreme Judicial Council head Faiq Zaidan and National Security Adviser Qassem al-Araji.

The understanding appeared limited to the embassy, excluding other locations such as logistical support facilities near Baghdad airport.

Sources said the United States did not provide a clear response to the truce conditions, while the US chargé d’affaires denied the presence of weapons at Victory Base, saying it serves as a diplomatic support center.

Violence also flared outside Baghdad. The Al-Haliwa military airport in Tuz Khurmatu, east of Salahuddin province, was hit in an attack marked by four explosions.

The site hosts units from the 4th Regiment of the 52nd Brigade of the Popular Mobilization Forces. Initial reports pointed to no casualties, but the PMF later said one of its fighters was killed and others wounded, describing the strike as a “Zionist-American bombardment.”

Security forces imposed a cordon and launched an investigation.

In a parallel development, Ashab al-Kahf claimed a drone attack on Victory Base, located near Baghdad’s international airport, warning civilians to stay away from areas hosting US presence and saying its operations would intensify.

The claim is significant, suggesting the truce has effectively ended, even without a formal announcement.

US sources say the site referred to as Victory Base has not been an official military base since 2011, when the complex was handed over to Iraqi authorities. It is now used as a diplomatic support facility rather than a standalone combat base.

The developments point to growing signs that armed factions are rotating roles in carrying out attacks to obscure responsibility and complicate attribution, particularly in Baghdad, where targets span government facilities and sites linked to the US presence.

The escalation comes against a wider regional backdrop. Since fighting erupted between Iran, the US and Israel on Feb. 28, Iraqi factions close to Tehran have stepped up attacks on diplomatic sites and military bases in Iraq and the Kurdistan region, drawing a series of US strikes in response.

On March 19, 2026, Hadi al-Amiri, head of the Badr Organization, accused the US and Israel of carrying out attacks on PMF positions and called on Iraqi authorities to take firm measures to prevent further strikes, as tensions show no sign of easing.

 



Between Bringing Down Governments and Losing Control: Hezbollah Faces a New Political Equation

The Lebanese government in session chaired by President Joseph Aoun (Lebanese Presidency)
The Lebanese government in session chaired by President Joseph Aoun (Lebanese Presidency)
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Between Bringing Down Governments and Losing Control: Hezbollah Faces a New Political Equation

The Lebanese government in session chaired by President Joseph Aoun (Lebanese Presidency)
The Lebanese government in session chaired by President Joseph Aoun (Lebanese Presidency)

Since becoming involved politics in 1992, Hezbollah gradually evolved from a parliamentary player with limited influence into a central force in Lebanon’s governing equation. The group first engaged in legislative work and did not directly join governments until 2005, following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon.

Since then, Hezbollah has sought to impose its control and influence over successive governments, obstructing some and bringing down others after introducing the concepts of the “blocking third” and consensual decision-making, while it and its ally the Amal Movement monopolized the entire Shiite ministerial share to use as leverage to topple governments or prevent them from functioning.

In this context, remarks by Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem that “people have the right to take to the streets, bring down the government and bring down the US-Israeli project” did not come as a surprise to those who have closely followed Hezbollah’s conduct over the years in both the formation and collapse of governments. The same applies to comments by Hezbollah Political Council member and former minister Mahmoud Qamati, who said: “The president or anyone else, with a government majority, wants to target the resistance during this era. They should know that they are a passing side that comes and goes, while we are deeply rooted in this country.”

Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem

A Long Path of Pressuring Governments

Hezbollah’s first attempt to pressure the government in a bid to bring it down dates back to 2006, when it and the Amal Movement withdrew their ministers from the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora in protest against the vote in favor of establishing the international tribunal to prosecute Hariri’s killers.

The “Shiite duo” and the Free Patriotic Movement then organized a lengthy sit-in in downtown Beirut on the grounds that the government lacked sectarian legitimacy. Nevertheless, the cabinet continued functioning until May 2008, when Hezbollah launched a military move in Beirut and parts of Mount Lebanon in response to government decisions concerning its telecommunications network.

That escalation led Lebanese factions to convene in Qatar, resulting in what became known as the Doha Agreement, through which Hezbollah secured the “blocking third,” meaning that it and its allies obtained one-third of cabinet seats, enabling them to bring down the government.

That scenario materialized in 2011, when Hezbollah and its allies withdrew their ministers from the government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri, leading to its collapse.

Former Lebanese finance minister, current member of parliament and a high ranking member of the Shiite Muslim Amal movement Ali Hasan Khalil (L), points as he stands next to Lebanon's Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to the heavily-damaged southern village of Kfar Shouba, near the border with Israel on February 8, 2026.(Photo by Rabih DAHER / AFP)

Salam Government “Freed” From Hezbollah’s Grip

Subsequent governments were formed with Hezbollah and its allies holding the “blocking third,” allowing them to control the decisions and fate of successive cabinets. Six governments were formed from 2011 onward, culminating in the current government headed by Nawaf Salam, which is considered the first government since 2008 to break free from Hezbollah’s dominance through the “blocking third.”

As a result, Hezbollah failed to prevent the government from adopting decisions placing arms exclusively under state control, classifying its military wing as illegitimate, and passing other measures opposed and criticized by the group.

Ali al-Amin, political writer and editor-in-chief of the Janoubia website, said Hezbollah had, since the Doha Agreement, “sought to blackmail successive governments through the invention of concepts such as the ‘guaranteeing third,’ consensus, or legitimacy.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Amin said that “during the current phase, specifically under the present government, the equations have completely changed. The government was formed on different foundations reflecting the new political balance.”

He added that “even if Hezbollah believes bringing down the current government through street pressure is possible, it realizes that forming another government on its own terms is no longer feasible. Therefore, its current threats to topple the government amount to intimidation and rhetorical escalation, nothing more than an expression of the predicament the party is facing, reflected in Sheikh Naim Qassem’s contradictory rhetoric.”

He added that Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri is unlikely to support Hezbollah in such a move, meaning the group has virtually no chance of bringing down the government or changing the policies it is complaining about.


Israel Carries Out Strike on Beirut Suburbs, First Near Capital in Weeks

Lebanese army soldiers man a checkpoint in Beirut, Lebanon, 14 May 2026. Lebanese authorities announced that Internal Security Forces (ISF) and the Lebanese army have been mobilized as part of increased security measures to manage stability and protect displaced communities following a wave of internal displacement.  EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
Lebanese army soldiers man a checkpoint in Beirut, Lebanon, 14 May 2026. Lebanese authorities announced that Internal Security Forces (ISF) and the Lebanese army have been mobilized as part of increased security measures to manage stability and protect displaced communities following a wave of internal displacement. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
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Israel Carries Out Strike on Beirut Suburbs, First Near Capital in Weeks

Lebanese army soldiers man a checkpoint in Beirut, Lebanon, 14 May 2026. Lebanese authorities announced that Internal Security Forces (ISF) and the Lebanese army have been mobilized as part of increased security measures to manage stability and protect displaced communities following a wave of internal displacement.  EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
Lebanese army soldiers man a checkpoint in Beirut, Lebanon, 14 May 2026. Lebanese authorities announced that Internal Security Forces (ISF) and the Lebanese army have been mobilized as part of increased security measures to manage stability and protect displaced communities following a wave of internal displacement. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH

An Israeli strike hit a building in the southern suburbs of the Lebanese capital on Thursday, the first strike to hit near Beirut in weeks amid a ceasefire that has failed to halt fighting between Israeli troops and Hezbollah in south Lebanon.

The Israeli military said it had conducted a precise strike in Beirut but did not offer additional details. Two Israeli security sources said the target was Ali al-Husseini, whom they described as head of the missile division within the Imam Hussein Division, a militia that Israeli officials say is aligned with Hezbollah and Iran.

There was no immediate comment from Hezbollah or Iran on the attack. A Lebanese security source said it was carried out with two precision missiles targeting a building in Beirut's southern suburbs.

The strike dealt another blow to a fraying ceasefire announced by Washington on April 16 that was meant to halt the war raging between Israel and Iran-backed Hezbollah since March 2.

Exchanges of fire between the two longtime foes have continued, but have been mostly concentrated in southern Lebanon. Apart from a strike on Beirut's southern suburbs in early May that killed a Hezbollah commander, the capital and its suburbs had been spared new bombardment during the truce.

ISRAEL PUT OFF BEIRUT STRIKES DUE TO US, OFFICIALS SAY

Israeli officials say the military had held off from striking in Beirut for three weeks due to requests from the administration of US President Donald Trump. Still, Israeli surveillance drones are heard flying over Beirut on a daily basis.

The two Israeli security sources said Thursday's strike came following a “very intense dialogue” with the Trump administration in recent days. Heavy Israeli strikes hit towns and villages in southern Lebanon overnight and into Thursday, after Israel declared a new swathe of the area "a combat zone".

The Israeli military said residents should leave any towns south of the Zahrani River, which runs about 40 kilometres (25 miles) north of Israel's border with Lebanon. Together with a border zone occupied by its troops, Israel's evacuation orders over the last three months span about 2,000 sq km of Lebanon – about a fifth of the entire country.

An Israeli strike on Thursday morning killed six people including two children and their parents near the southern town of Adloun, Lebanon's health ministry said. Another strike, on the port city of Sidon, killed five people including two women. Sidon lies outside of the area designated as a combat zone by the Israeli military, and the strike was carried out without warning. Taghrida Ramadan, a woman living in Sidon, told Reuters she had been sleeping at home when she was jolted awake by the strike, which hit a building across from hers.

"We looked around and found the rubble on us - stones from the strike, because it was nearby and directly facing us," Ramadan said. While her house was damaged, her relatives were not seriously injured. Another Israeli strike later on Thursday killed two Syrian nationals, including a child, in the city of Tyre, which falls within the zone Israel said must be emptied.


Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi Dies After Leading Yemen Through Its Most Difficult Period

President Hadi during a previous reception hosted by King Salman bin Abdulaziz (Saba)
President Hadi during a previous reception hosted by King Salman bin Abdulaziz (Saba)
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Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi Dies After Leading Yemen Through Its Most Difficult Period

President Hadi during a previous reception hosted by King Salman bin Abdulaziz (Saba)
President Hadi during a previous reception hosted by King Salman bin Abdulaziz (Saba)

Former Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi passed away Thursday morning after a political and military career spanning eight decades, during which he witnessed Yemen’s major political transformations and became closely associated with pivotal periods marked by conflict, upheaval and instability.

Hadi was regarded as one of the most prominent figures linked to the most complex political and military transitions in Yemen’s modern history, particularly during the post-Arab Spring period, the rise of the Houthis, and the outbreak of the war that reshaped the Yemeni landscape in all its dimensions.

Abdrabbuh Mansur was born in 1945 in the village of Dhiqin in Al-Wadea district of Abyan governorate. He joined the military at an early age and rose through the ranks of South Yemen’s armed forces before unification, later becoming one of the leading military figures to serve within the institutions of the unified Yemeni state after 1990.

During the 1994 summer war between the two partners in unification, Hadi sided with the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh, a move that later strengthened his position within Yemen’s ruling establishment.

In 1994, he was appointed vice president and remained in the post for nearly 18 years, one of the longest vice-presidential tenures in the Arab world. Throughout that period, he remained relatively distant from the political and media spotlight compared with Saleh and the network of power centers surrounding him.

Death of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, the Man Who Led Yemen Through Its Most Difficult Period (Saba)

Among Yemenis, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi became associated with the image of a quiet and enigmatic figure who rarely engaged in public confrontations or made statements that provoked the country’s various political and tribal factions.

The defining moment of his political career came during the 2011 protests against Saleh’s rule, when Yemen entered a severe political crisis that ended with the signing of the Gulf Initiative, which transferred power peacefully to Hadi as consensus president for the transitional phase.

In February 2012, he was elected president in a consensus election in which he ran unopposed, with broad regional and international backing, to lead a transitional period aimed at restructuring the Yemeni state and drafting a new constitution.

From his first days in office, Hadi faced enormous challenges, including military divisions, the growing influence of the Houthis and Al Qaeda, economic collapse, and the complex tribal and political balances inherited from the Saleh era.

He sought to restructure the military and curb the influence of traditional power centers, while backing the National Dialogue Conference that brought together Yemen’s various political forces and was viewed at the time as a historic attempt to chart a new future for the state.

However, the transitional phase quickly entered a dangerous turn as the Houthis expanded from their stronghold in Saada toward the capital Sanaa, benefiting from an undeclared alliance with former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and networks loyal to him. On Sept. 21, 2014, the Houthis seized control of Sanaa, placing Hadi under house arrest before he later managed to flee to the city of Aden in early 2015.

From Aden, Hadi attempted to rebuild the internationally recognized government and administer the country from there, but the Houthis continued advancing southward, prompting him to leave Yemen through Oman and head to Riyadh in March 2015, coinciding with the launch of Operation Decisive Storm led by Saudi Arabia in support of Yemen’s internationally recognized government.

After relocating to Riyadh, Hadi became the political figurehead point for Yemen’s internationally recognized government and retained the backing of the United Nations, Gulf states and the international community, despite criticism directed at his government’s performance, divisions within the anti-Houthi camp, and the dysfunction of state institutions in liberated areas.

Throughout the war years, Hadi remained a central figure in the Yemeni scene, with numerous sovereign decisions and military and political appointments linked to his name. He also led multiple negotiations and settlements under UN and regional sponsorship amid an extremely complex political and military environment.

In April 2022, Hadi announced the transfer of his presidential powers to the Presidential Leadership Council headed by Rashad al-Alimi and composed of seven deputies, in a move widely viewed as a major shift in Yemen’s power structure and an attempt to unify anti-Houthi forces under a collective leadership framework.

Since then, Hadi had largely withdrawn from political and media life and settled in Riyadh, amid reports that he was suffering from health problems. During his presidency, he underwent several routine medical examinations in the United States, though the nature and details of his condition were never officially disclosed.

Despite his subsequent absence from the official scene, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi remains one of the Yemeni presidents most closely associated with the turbulent transformations the country has witnessed, from the political transition after 2011 to the collapse of the state and the complex war that continues to cast its shadow over Yemen to this day.