Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
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Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)

The septuagenarian moves slowly at a symbolic grave at the "Palestinian martyrs" cemetery in Beirut.

He rises up from his wheelchair to place a wreath of flowers on a symbolic grave that holds some bones and belongings of "Salah al-Yabani" (Japanese Salah), the symbol of the Lod airport operation.

Ahmed al-Yabani (Japanese Ahmed), or Kozo Okamoto, and members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine were celebrating on Monday the 50th anniversary of the operation.

Days earlier, Japanese authorities released leader of the Japanese Red Army, Fusako Shigenobu, also known as Mariam.

She co-founded the group that Kozo and his colleagues joined and later carried out the failed hostage-taking at Israel's Lod airport in 1972.

Kozo, who is regarded as a hero by Palestinians and a terrorist by Japan, marks the occasion almost every year. Tokyo has since 1997 been demanding that Lebanon deport him. Beirut has granted political asylum, the first and last time it has done so for anyone.

Lebanese authorities have turned over four of his comrades to Japan and left him alone in the country to review his "history of struggle".

Kozo, 74, is unknown to the new Lebanese generation. This was evident by how the number of Japanese journalists outnumbered the Lebanese ones at Monday's event.

They clamored for an exclusive photo of Kozo and a statement. All they got was a "hello". They are aware that they are barred from attempting to speak to him in Japanese, his guards made sure of that.

The PFLP is adamant that Kozo is a "political asylum seeker" and that he cannot make statements.

It fears, however, that he would be lured into making a statement that he wishes to return to his home.

A PFLP official told Asharq Al-Awsat that if he desires to go home, then Japan will demand that Lebanon deport him.

The PFLP also worries that he may make a statement that may imply that he is in contact with Fusako.

The official said Kozo was "physically and mentally ill. He will not be able to tolerate a lot of pressure, which is why he should be protected as much as possible."

"He is isolated and a man of few words, spoken in Arabic or English, and he prays in Japanese," he added.

The official was among others who welcomed Kozo in Lebanon during a prisoner swap between the Israelis and Palestinians in 1985.

He recalled how Kozo literally acted like a dog when he was released, barking and eating with his hands, due to the torture inflicted upon him in Israel where he was kept caged like a dog.

One Israeli jailer offered to give him a gun so he could end his life and become a "third star". The Japanese Red Army believes that their martyrs become stars.

The other two stars were his colleagues who died during the Lod operation. One was killed fighting the Israelis and another blew himself up. Kozo also sought to blow himself up, but his explosive malfunctioned and he was detained.

Kozo agreed to take the gun from the jailer, but was furious when he found out that it was not loaded.

Upon his release, Kozo was paranoid and preferred to remain isolated. He even slapped Ahmed Jibril, the late leader of the PFLP, during their first meeting. He later came to his senses and burst into tears.

Since his return to Lebanon, he sought to lead a normal life with varying success. He resides in the eastern Bekaa region and is guarded by members of the PFLP.

He often travels to Beirut and visits its renowned Hamra Street that has a special place in his heart.

The Palestinian official said he has been by Kozo's side for years.

Occasionally, he is approached by someone who recognizes him and he is warmly greeted, leaving Kozo with a smile on his face.



‘A US Bargaining Chip’ – What Remains of Hamas’ Tunnel Arsenal?

An Israeli soldier inside a Gaza tunnel, November 2023 (Reuters)
An Israeli soldier inside a Gaza tunnel, November 2023 (Reuters)
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‘A US Bargaining Chip’ – What Remains of Hamas’ Tunnel Arsenal?

An Israeli soldier inside a Gaza tunnel, November 2023 (Reuters)
An Israeli soldier inside a Gaza tunnel, November 2023 (Reuters)

Hamas has recently stepped up its release of videos showing Israeli captives held in its tunnel network, along with footage of armed fighters emerging from underground to launch attacks against Israeli forces in areas including Beit Hanoun, Al-Tuffah, and Rafah.

A raid claimed by the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas' armed wing, on Wednesday in the vicinity of Al-Zahraa Mosque in the Al-Jneina neighborhood of eastern Rafah, has once again spotlighted the group’s use of tunnels—particularly in Rafah, a city Israeli military sources say is now under their full control.

The reappearance of such scenes, nearly a year and a half into Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, has prompted fresh Israeli acknowledgement that Hamas' tunnel infrastructure remains largely intact despite repeated attempts to destroy it.

In April, Israel’s Channel 12 cited Israeli security sources as saying that just 25% of Hamas tunnels had been neutralized. The figures underscore growing Israeli concerns about the resilience and extent of the subterranean system beneath Gaza.

Due to its clandestine nature, estimates of the tunnel network vary widely.

Palestinian sources describe it as a sprawling maze comprising around 1,300 tunnels, plunging as deep as 70 meters underground and stretching some 500 kilometers. Former Israeli National Security Adviser Jacob Nagel estimated in October 2023 that the tunnels could extend for “thousands of kilometers.”

Engineering Feat Involving Thousands

Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the recent reactivation of tunnels by the group’s armed wing, the Qassam Brigades, is “natural given the ongoing, though limited, military confrontation in some areas.” They added that tunnel use could expand “as the ground offensive intensifies.”

The sources described the tunnels as a “vital military pillar” and claimed Israel has yet to fully understand their structure. “The network is the product of years of engineering work involving thousands of operatives,” one source said.

While acknowledging that parts of the network were hit during the war, the sources said Hamas has since repaired and reused many of the damaged passages.

“Some tunnels remain undetected, even in areas where the Israeli army operated and destroyed nearby routes,” they said.

They also claimed that guards responsible for Israeli hostages have recently used tunnels to move captives again, particularly after they were temporarily housed in above-ground locations during the last ceasefire.

For over a decade, Israel has waged a persistent campaign to detect and destroy Hamas’ underground tunnel network in Gaza, believing it had neutralized the threat after constructing a fortified barrier and sealing known tunnels with expanding foam.

But recent footage and attacks suggest the tunnels remain a key part of Hamas’ war strategy — and a potential bargaining chip in future negotiations.

In the years following the completion of the Gaza border wall, Israel reduced surveillance around the enclave, withdrawing weapons from nearby communities and dismantling several watchtowers, confident that Hamas’ tunnel ambitions had been thwarted.

Yet Palestinian militants used this lull to expand a vast web of underground passages within Gaza. According to sources familiar with the matter, Hamas constructed tunnels for offensive operations, defensive positions, and command-and-control purposes — some designed to shield senior political and military leaders during conflict.

Tunnels as a Bargaining Tool

Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that in past truce negotiations, including US-backed efforts, mediators had called on Hamas to relinquish its military infrastructure, including its tunnels, as part of any disarmament framework.

“The tunnels are seen as a dangerous asset that could allow Hamas to launch new offensives, even years down the line,” one source said, adding that the demand to dismantle them was part of broader demilitarization proposals.

While discussions around the tunnels predated their reemergence in recent videos, Hamas’ renewed use of them has shaken Israeli confidence. Despite conducting sweeping operations across Gaza — including extended searches lasting weeks in some areas — Israeli forces now acknowledge that much of the network remains operational.

Before Israel launched its offensive in Gaza in 2023, Hamas had reportedly maintained tunnels for specific purposes — including ones to shelter its leadership. However, over 18 months of war have degraded the group’s infrastructure.

Multiple key figures were killed in tunnel strikes, including Ahmed Al-Ghandour, commander of Hamas’ northern brigade, and Politburo member Rawhi Mushtaha.

Still, tunnel warfare continues. In cities like Khan Younis, Israeli troops returned to areas previously cleared, only to discover new or rebuilt tunnels. Military tactics and engineering efforts to permanently disable the network have so far yielded limited results.

Hamas sources say the group deliberately withheld some tunnels from use during the war to avoid detection by Israeli combat engineers. Should Israel widen its ground operations, they warn, those hidden passages may soon come into play.