Kurds Fear ‘Arabization’ of Iraq’s Kirkuk

A member of Iraqi security forces takes down the Kurdish flag in Kirkuk, Iraq. (Reuters)
A member of Iraqi security forces takes down the Kurdish flag in Kirkuk, Iraq. (Reuters)
TT

Kurds Fear ‘Arabization’ of Iraq’s Kirkuk

A member of Iraqi security forces takes down the Kurdish flag in Kirkuk, Iraq. (Reuters)
A member of Iraqi security forces takes down the Kurdish flag in Kirkuk, Iraq. (Reuters)

It appears that the Iraqi federal authority's recapturing of Kirkik from Kurdish control has not ended the disputes that have plagued the oil-rich region since the collapse of the former regime.

Successive governments have failed to resolve differences between the region’s population of Turkmen, Kurds and Arabs. Signs of a new crisis erupting began to emerge with Kurds voicing their concern with Arabs and Turkmen seizing public posts at their expense and with the support of the Iraqi government.

Members of the Kurdish council in the region voiced their fears that Iraqi authorities would continue the process of “Arabizing” the province amid the absence of a Kurdish governor and the unlikelihood that the post will be filled any time soon.

The Kurdish governor, Najmeddine Karim, had fled Kirkuk in wake of the Iraqi forces’ October operation to regain control of the region.

Council member Ahmed al-Askari told Kurdish media that the absence of this governor is being exploited once again by some sides to once again launch the “Arabization” policy that was adopted by the previous regime of Saddam Hussein.

Asharq Al-Awsat could not confirm his claims of “Arabization.”

“Baghdad has started the process and the government issued a decree allowing Arab Shi’ites to transfer their jobs to Kirkuk,” Askari said.

They have also been allowed to change their personal status to Kirkuk and allowed Kurds to transfer their status outside the province, he continued.

Turkmen officials in the province agreed with the Kurdish view on the latest developments in Kirkuk despite their opposition to the actions of Karim.

Turkman official Hassan Touran told Asharq Al-Awsat: “We oppose any demographic change in the province, whether in ‘Arabization’ as practiced by the old regime or ‘Kurdization’ as adopted by the former governor.”

He instead voiced his support for coexistence in the region, demanding that normalization measures be put in place so that all locals can live together in peace.



Hezbollah’s Call to Reshuffle Lebanese Govt Face Berri’s Opposition

Speaker Nabih Berri (Lebanese Parliament) 
Speaker Nabih Berri (Lebanese Parliament) 
TT

Hezbollah’s Call to Reshuffle Lebanese Govt Face Berri’s Opposition

Speaker Nabih Berri (Lebanese Parliament) 
Speaker Nabih Berri (Lebanese Parliament) 

Lebanese are awaiting the publication of the reported US-Iran memorandum of understanding to determine whether it contains any provisions relating to Lebanon.

The document is expected to settle competing interpretations promoted by rival political camps, each claiming its provisions serve their interests.

Attention is also focused on how Hezbollah would respond if the memorandum does not address an Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon and instead limits itself to calling for an immediate and permanent cessation of military operations on all fronts, including Lebanon, while affirming the country’s sovereignty.

Such an outcome would contradict Hezbollah’s narrative that an Israeli withdrawal would be placed on the agenda of US-Iran talks, envisioned as a 60-day process that could be extended and potentially punctuated by further rounds of violence.

In its statement on the memorandum, Hezbollah stopped short of declaring victory and merely thanked Iran.

Opponents interpret this as an indication that the issue of Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon has been deferred to the fifth round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations, scheduled for June 23–25 at both military and political levels under US auspices.

They argue this will increase pressure on Hezbollah to surrender its weapons, echoing recent domestic and international calls, including those contained in the final communiqué of the Group of Seven summit.

At the same time, observers say it remains to be seen whether the US is willing to pressure Israel to withdraw, particularly amid reports of President Donald Trump’s frustration with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over strikes in Beirut’s southern suburbs and what critics describe as actions that complicated efforts to reach an understanding with Iran.

A Different Round of Negotiations

A cabinet source said the upcoming negotiations differ fundamentally from previous rounds because they come after the US-Iran understanding and amid a broader regional shift. According to the source, both Israel and Hezbollah will have to adapt to a new political reality.

The source argued that Hezbollah now faces a choice between changing its conduct or persisting in policies that, in the view of its critics, brought severe consequences for Lebanon through its support for Gaza and Iran.

The source maintained that Hezbollah no longer has the capacity to sustain a prolonged conflict and should instead align itself with the state’s diplomatic strategy and respond to demands from a majority of Lebanese for what was described as the “Lebanonization” of its political positions.

The same source said many domestic and international actors are counting on Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri to persuade Hezbollah to reassess both its political and military options after what critics regard as a costly period for the country.

Weapons and Withdrawal

According to the source, negotiations remain the only viable path toward restoring stability in southern Lebanon. The envisioned framework would pair a phased Israeli withdrawal with a timetable under which Hezbollah would gradually place its weapons under state authority.

The source argued that recent developments have demonstrated the limits of Hezbollah’s military deterrence against further Israeli expansion.

The source also rejected suggestions that any US-Iran understanding would revive Iran’s influence in Lebanon or restore Hezbollah to the position it held before the Gaza war.

Dispute Over the Government

As Lebanon prepares for what many see as a new phase, a source close to the Shiite political alliance said Hezbollah is divided over how to deal with Prime Minister Nawaf Salam’s government.

One faction, described as hardline, favors changing the government, while another believes current political conditions make such a move unrealistic because of parliamentary arithmetic and that priority should instead be given to securing an Israeli withdrawal and rebuilding devastated towns.

The source said opponents of changing the government view such a confrontation as a losing battle that would deepen Hezbollah’s isolation, strengthen support for the government, and reinforce the diplomatic approach pursued jointly by President Joseph Aoun and Salam.

The source added that Hezbollah currently needs international and Arab support for reconstruction and reconciliation with its own constituency more than it needs a political showdown.

Any effort to replace the government or reshuffle ministers, the source said, would first have to win over Berri, who has consistently called for national unity, reducing internal tensions, safeguarding civil peace, and preserving domestic stability in the face of Israel.

For that reason, he opposes attempts either to topple the government through street pressure or to seek its replacement.

 

 

 

 

 


Yemeni Sources: Prosecutor Orders Freeze of Dissolved STC Funds

Supporters of the dissolved Southern Transitional Council at a previous protest in Aden (AP) 
Supporters of the dissolved Southern Transitional Council at a previous protest in Aden (AP) 
TT

Yemeni Sources: Prosecutor Orders Freeze of Dissolved STC Funds

Supporters of the dissolved Southern Transitional Council at a previous protest in Aden (AP) 
Supporters of the dissolved Southern Transitional Council at a previous protest in Aden (AP) 

The Yemeni government has escalated its measures against the dissolved Southern Transitional Council (STC), with the public prosecutor ordering a precautionary freeze on the group’s assets and bank accounts while the government simultaneously presses the UN Security Council to impose sanctions on its leader, Aidarous al-Zubaidi.

According to informed sources cited by the Aden al-Ghad newspaper, Attorney General Judge Qaher Mustafa issued an order freezing all assets and bank accounts belonging to the dissolved STC held by banks, financial institutions, exchange companies and money-transfer businesses.

The move is part of efforts aimed at protecting public funds, combating corruption and money laundering, and restoring state control over financial and sovereign resources.

The order prohibits any disposal of the frozen funds, including withdrawals, transfers, assignments or other legal and financial transactions, pending the completion of investigations and further directives from the Public Prosecution or competent judicial authorities.

It also requires the Central Bank of Yemen, commercial and Islamic banks, financial institutions and exchange companies to implement the measures immediately and report any accounts, balances or assets linked to the entity under investigation.

The Public Prosecution said the action was based on what it described as sufficient preliminary indicators suggesting that the funds may be connected to matters currently under investigation. It stressed that the asset freeze is a temporary legal measure intended to preserve disputed funds until judicial proceedings are completed.

Earlier this year, Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council removed al-Zubaidi from its membership and referred him to the attorney general on charges including “high treason aimed at undermining the independence of the republic” under Article 125 of the Crimes and Penalties Law, and harming the republic’s military, political and economic standing under Article 128.

The referral also accused him of forming an armed group, involvement in the killing of military officers and soldiers, exploiting and damaging the Southern cause through serious abuses against civilians and attacks on military installations, and engaging in sustained armed confrontations against government forces.

According to the decision, the charges further include violating the constitution and constitutional authorities under Articles 131 and 132 of the Crimes and Penalties Law, breaching national laws and infringing on the country’s sovereignty and independence.

The judicial action coincided with a diplomatic campaign by the Yemeni government, which urged the UN Security Council to impose sanctions on al-Zubaidi and add him to the UN sanctions list.

Yemen called on the council to regularly update sanctions lists to include individuals and entities accused of undermining state institutions or attempting to impose political or military realities by force outside constitutional and legal frameworks.

The request was made during a Security Council session on developments in Yemen. Yemen’s permanent representative said the government was prepared to cooperate fully with the United Nations and the sanctions committee and provide any additional information or documentation needed to support international accountability efforts.

The government accuses al-Zubaidi of leading unilateral political and military actions that weakened state institutions, obstructed efforts to unify security and military command structures, threatened domestic stability and hindered political settlement efforts.

 

 

 

 


Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
TT

Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is heading to the United States next month to try to save his oil-rich country from “bankruptcy,” while US envoy Tom Barrack is pressing Baghdad to prove it is “doing what is needed” to disarm armed factions before it receives long-awaited help from Washington or its regional allies, reliable sources and Iraqi officials said.

Barrack visited Baghdad on Monday and Tuesday.

The sources said al-Zaidi, backed by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of powerful Shiite parties, hopes US President Donald Trump will help when the two meet in Washington in mid-July, especially by securing loans from the United States that “Gulf states may contribute to,” according to two officials in the Shiite alliance.

Iraqi sources said dozens of Iraqi businessmen will accompany al-Zaidi to Washington, hoping to “revive the nearly empty state treasury.”

But those expectations hinge on more than disarming the factions. The sources said al-Zaidi must also dismantle their economic lifelines, keep their members out of government and cut the channels Tehran uses to reach Baghdad’s revenue-generating institutions, citing the substance of Barrack’s meetings in Baghdad and Erbil.

Since Iraq’s parliament approved Ali al-Zaidi’s government, the prime minister has tried to reposition himself between Iranian influence, which appears to be receding in Baghdad, and mounting US pressure to rein in armed factions and curb their power. Over time, his young government has shown a tactical tilt toward Washington.

‘A success story’

Barrack’s efforts in Baghdad now point to a quiet struggle between Iran and its allies, who are trying to preserve a grey zone without major concessions, and the Americans, who want to separate the Iraq file from negotiations over the nuclear issue and the Strait of Hormuz, in anticipation of gaps in a memorandum of understanding that provides for a 60-day truce before a final agreement.

Barrack and al-Zaidi agreed on Tuesday on “the complete disarmament and dissolution of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority of the state,” according to a joint Iraqi-US statement.

Reliable sources said US officials are trying to extract as many gains as possible in Baghdad at Iran’s expense, fearing Tehran could secure enough resources and time to rebuild its influence in the region.

The sources said, “The US president wants Iraq’s new government to become a ‘success story’.” But US intelligence circles focused on Iraq are “very cautious about reaching that assessment at the present time,” they added.

Barrack’s visit, his first since his mandate was renewed as US envoy to Baghdad and Damascus, came about two weeks after the Iraqi government launched what it called a “weapons control plan.”

It also came at the height of a financial crisis that an Iraqi official described to Asharq Al-Awsat as “suffocating.” In three months, and “in the best-case scenario,” the government could find itself unable to meet “domestic obligations,” the official said.

The financial crisis is believed to have turned Coordination Framework leaders into pragmatic politicians, pushing them, in record time, into a publicity campaign stressing their desire to bring weapons under state control.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement and one of the Coordination Framework’s leaders, said at a recent public seminar in Baghdad that the Shiite alliance would have moved ahead with the weapons-control plan even if the war with Iran had not occurred, describing it as an “internal” need.

Observers are skeptical of the weapons-control process, particularly given the absence of an Iranian reaction to a plan initiated by allied factions and later sponsored and organized by the government.

Since early June, official circles in Tehran have not commented on the integration of members of their Iraqi allies into government institutions, while insisting on including Hezbollah and its weapons in the negotiation items.

It was notable that Iran’s ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Kazem Al-e Sadeq, visited the prime minister about two hours after his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, who was then on his way to Erbil to meet Kurdish officials.

A ‘down payment’ on weapons control

Pragmatism hangs over Baghdad’s decision-making rooms.

A member of the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that “many inside the alliance have become more realistic in responding to the weapons control plan.”

“Some see it as a ‘down payment’ to win the confidence of regional and international players who were close to deciding to isolate Iraq,” he said.

The member, who asked not to be named, said: “Some alliance leaders shared concerns during recent meetings about a new security and political approach being adopted in the Arab region that could classify Iraq, at best, as an unfriendly state.”

But an Iraqi official said the plan, which has so far covered three armed factions, is meant to repair damage to Iraq’s relationship with Arab and Gulf states, despite doubts over how it will be carried out.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that a US official told two Coordination Framework leaders in early June that Washington believes the announced plan needs more clarity, given the absence of transparent mechanisms to verify that armed factions will not be able to access their weapons.

Still, reliable sources said the US official described the current process as a “promising step” that was out of reach only years ago. Washington, the official said, understands that Baghdad cannot take revolutionary or shocking steps toward disarmament. But the US assessment of the process will depend on whether concerns are removed that it is “merely a cosmetic exercise.”

So far, Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali have joined the plan by declaring their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Despite the absence of a technical mechanism to handle the groups’ weapons, figures close to the government say Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has become “responsible for the movements of the armed members and their weapons,” and that “the remaining details are not essential.”

‘More forceful’

Barrack arrived in Baghdad to push al-Zaidi forward. Two Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants the government in Baghdad to be “more forceful and clear in disarming the factions.”

A second official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said Barrack’s meetings with officials in Baghdad showed that the United States “encourages serious steps to dissolve economic offices and prevent Iran from benefiting from Iraqi resources.”

The term “economic offices” has been common for years in Iraqi circles. It refers to financial and commercial structures that include official employees and manage the interests of armed factions while increasing their resources.

Barrack’s mission in Baghdad looks like a “minesweeper” operation before US companies enter Iraq to invest in the oil, telecommunications, and transport sectors, which over the past 10 years have become fertile ground for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, according to a former government official.

Asharq Al-Awsat understood from Western diplomats and an Iraqi official that Barrack is acting in Baghdad as “the man who can qualify Ali al-Zaidi as a successful and acceptable partner in the region,” but “not while he is lenient with the power and influence of the factions.”

One diplomat said, “The US president supports Barrack’s approach in Baghdad, but wants quick results that take into account the timing of negotiations with the Iranians.”

An Iraqi official said, “The atmosphere inside the Coordination Framework is receiving multiple signals that Tom Barrack is trying to engineer an approach that brings Baghdad together with Damascus rather than Tehran, and many Shiite forces are uncomfortable with this path.”

Bankruptcy and anger

Whatever Barrack’s approach may be, Washington wants to accelerate change in Baghdad because Iraq needs money.

Two sources said leaders of the Shiite alliance met in early June in the presence of the prime minister and voiced fears of “bankruptcy and the possibility of public anger exploding.”

One Coordination Framework leader told the prime minister: “Based on the data in your hands, we may find ourselves after three months unable to pay salaries, or to meet other domestic obligations.”

“In this case, there are no guarantees that we will be able to confront public anger if we do not find a solution,” he said.

Iraqi journalists said Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told them during an open meeting with the press last week that Iraq’s treasury had received 1 trillion dinars, about $1 billion, while he needed to secure about 10 trillion dinars to pay public sector salaries, along with “other expenses.”

According to unofficial estimates, Iraq has lost about $250 million a day due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has halted more than 90% of oil exports through southern ports.

The two sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that “most alliance leaders approved a plan presented by the prime minister that includes a package of political, security and economic reforms to address the crisis.”

But one source said, “The Iraqi government is seeking financial loans from Western and Gulf donors, even though the repercussions of the war with Iran are casting a heavy shadow over relations between Baghdad and those who may wish to help it.”

A ‘reward’ for weapons control

Another dilemma is emerging, one that could weaken the political alliance giving al-Zaidi his strength. The alliance now faces layered pressure as factions join the weapons-control initiative in hopes of securing government posts.

These factions see the new posts as a “deserved reward,” members of the groups say. But they also believe the posts do not match the heavy price they paid by giving up their weapons before their own supporters.

The groups are expected to react in a way that would be “uncomfortable for al-Zaidi” if the United States insists on blocking people listed as terrorists from joining the new government, according to the members.

Sources said the Coordination Framework told al-Zaidi he must fill vacant ministerial portfolios before traveling to Washington and meeting Trump. But a leader in the Shiite alliance quoted Barrack’s recent meetings as saying that “completing the government with individuals belonging to the factions will not make al-Zaidi feel comfortable when he sits in the chair next to the president at the White House.”

Al-Zaidi’s media office did not respond to requests for comment on whether the issue of armed factions’ weapons, or the participation of their representatives in the government, would be among the topics discussed at the White House next month.

Still, Iraq’s prime minister will try to persuade the US president to mobilize a donor coalition that includes Gulf states to secure loans, through contributions in exchange for investments Baghdad is working to make available to regional and US companies, Iraqi officials said.