Assad's regime has fallen. Syria’s eternal leader, who left the country brimming with prisons, death, and exile, has been toppled. The Syrians have turned the page on the worst chapter in their country’s modern history. This moment can only be one of overwhelming joy for every mother who lost her son to torture by his regime, for every father who saw his home demolished before his eyes, and for every child who grew up under the shadow of the republic of horrors... The Syrians have buried a regime that silenced voices and took souls in the country and beyond.
Syrians have the right to rejoice. They have the right to breathe air free of the Assad family. They have the right to dream of a better tomorrow. However, our wariness about the illusion of moderation by extremist organizations knows no bounds.
Let us remember what was said about Khomeini in 1979, and the praise for the Brotherhood and their moderation after the fall of President Hosni Mubarak’s regime, which went far beyond today’s esteem for Abu Muhammad al-Golani. We know this history, and we know where it leads.
The return of Khomeini in 1979 was a pivotal moment in the history of the Middle East and the world. Returning from exile in Paris, he was embraced as a leader who could combine religious authority with the leadership of a popular and social movement. He was presented as a man who embodied a just revolution against the regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi who would lead the Iranian people to freedom and justice.
The public, elite, and political euphoria that Khomeini's return stirred went beyond Iran, extending to the Arab and Islamic worlds and across the globe. However, it quickly faded as his true colors became apparent.
In more recent memory, we should not forget that after the fall of Hosni Mubarak’s regime in Egypt in 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood promised not to seek executive power, claiming they would not nominate any member in the presidential elections. However, the Brotherhood not only nominated the late Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi but also sought to “Brotherhoodize” the Egyptian state and its bureaucracy after coming to power. On November 22, 2012, Morsi issued a decree granting himself absolute powers, shielding his decisions from judicial oversight and replacing Egypt’s prosecutor with a loyalist. He also made the Constituent Assembly and the Shura Council immune to dissolution.
This decree was another step towards despotism taken under the guise of protecting the revolution from counter-revolutionary forces. It drove massive numbers of people to the streets, forcing Morsi to annul the decree in December 2012. As the political crisis ignited by the constitutional declaration persisted, Morsi and the Brotherhood’s popularity waned, paving the way for his ouster in July 2013.
In Syria, Abu Muhammad al-Golani, the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, is emerging as the symbol of a colossal political transformation in Syria after the fall of Assad’s regime. His group, which is designated a terrorist organization by Western and Islamic countries and the United Nations Security Council, is playing a leading role in shaping Syria’s new landscape, but it faces far more questions than it has given satisfactory answers.
There is no doubt that Assad's regime has hollowed out Syria's institutions, both those of its regime and those of the revolution, over 13 years of repression, killing, abuse, and abandoning the country's sovereignty, allowing Golani, with Turkish support and others, to take a leading role.
Today, Golani seeks to reshape his image through superficial changes in his rhetoric and the behavior of his organization- from appointing symbolic figures like the Bishop of Aleppo as governor of the city to enforcing discipline on militants in terms of respecting public and private property and the lives of civilians. However, while unprecedented for Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, these steps raise deeper questions about whether we are witnessing a genuine transformation or a mere political ploy dictated by the needs of the moment- tactical adaptation.
Accordingly, if this is merely a ploy by Golani, his rise poses an existential threat to Syria's future as a pluralistic state and paves the way for replacing one despot with another, bringing nothing of the justice and freedom Syrians aspire to.
Syria is at a crossroads today. It deserves a comprehensive national project that represents every component of Syrian society and prevents the country from slipping into a new form of totalitarian rule, whether Assad's or that of an extremist ideology. Syria deserves a future that makes use of its diversity and rich cultural and human heritage, not a change of masks.
Rejoicing after Assad's fall is justified, but it is not enough. Syria's real battle begins now, and the struggle to ensure its people's dreams are not stolen is its most vital and difficult challenge.
