Sense and political realism oblige writers to contain their emotions and focus on methodology and intellect, expressing joys and sorrows cautiously and only within reason. However, if our brief time on this earth is measured against history, we can bear witness to exceptional events worthy of expressing emotions unconstrained by reason and realism, without undermining either.
The Assad regime is evil by every metric. It was built by Hafez and brought to its current state by Bashar. The Syrian people have suffered from the brutality, tyranny, and extraordinary viciousness of this regime for more than half a century, and it was compounded by international agreements that extended its survival. Their suffering has aggravated since 2011, when Bashar chose to fully align with militias, abandoning Hafez's balanced strategy and leaving Syria prey to criminal sectarian militias from Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, Pakistan, and elsewhere.
The Syrian people must keep the history of this regime in the memory - its massacres, prisons, murder, torture, and its manufacture and trafficking of drugs. Museums should be established on these very sites, serving as historical monuments to the most thuggish regime of the modern era. Their rule is a disgrace to the humanity of the 21st Century. Anyone curious to better understand Hafez’s reign can read the novels of Abdul Rahman Munif, such as East of the Mediterranean, and dozens of similar works. Or they can read the media leaks, complete with documents and photographs, that document Bashar's.
At the start of its modern history, Syria stood at the forefront of the resistance to the mighty Ottoman rulers and the oppressive "Turkish Caliphate." Al-Kawakibi wrote "The Nature of Despotism" and "Umm Al-Qura" (Mother of All Villages). Rashid Rida fled Syria to Egypt and founded Al-Manar magazine, and Jamal Al-Din Al-Qasimi, a tolerant jurist, was also pressured. Sultan Al-Atrash, the Druze leader seeking independence, rose up against the French and declared revolution, while Fares Khoury, a Christian, fought colonialism and sought unity.
Nicholas Van Dam's “The Struggle for Power in Syria” is a seminal work that every researcher must read. It has served as the foundation of many authors’ work, including Patrick Seale’s book on Hafez Al-Assad. Van Dam wrote that when Syria gained its independence in 1946, it was a state but not a nation, a political entity, but not a political society. Shortly afterward, the Baath Party rose to power. According to Mutaa Safadi, "the Baath was originally a sectarian movement." This deep academic discourse differs greatly from the language of contemporary politics, delving into far more profound questions.
Historical truths and social convictions do not change overnight. They cannot be buried by decades of "minority brutality" or threatened by "fundamentalist brutality." Syria was once the seat of the Umayyad Caliphate. Founded by Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan - "the uncle of the believers," the scribe of divine revelation, and the founder of the Arab Caliphate. Centuries of history cannot be undone by a few deviant decades.
Throughout modern history, Saudi Arabia has always been Syria's greatest supporter, helping both the state and its people. King Abdulaziz, the Kingdom’s founder, would proudly say: "Most of my men are Syrians." Distinguished Syrians held prominent roles in his court, including figures like Yusuf Yassin and Khayr al-Din al-Zirikli. In 1928, Syrians offered to have his son Faisal rule the country as the king of Syria, but he declined the offer because of his keen insight, choosing instead to support Syria in every possible way.
Relations between the two nations remained special and exceptional. Even during the rule of the sectarian Baath regime, Saudi Arabia remained the Syrian people's largest political and humanitarian backer.
Media outlets have reported the resumption of this historic provision of aid by Saudi Arabia, led by the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. Its political support was also evident from the fact that it hosted the new administration in Riyadh for its foreign minister’s first foreign visit. Supporting regional political stability has always been Saudi Arabia’s policy.
In our current "age of triviality" and the culture of "sandwich knowledge," it is remarkable to see people seeking books that offer basic knowledge about the relevant people, groups, ideas, and terms. Even fewer turn to Google or Wikipedia. If only it stopped at their superficial pursuit of knowledge for personal development, but no. They eagerly go on to disseminate this rudimentary knowledge in podcasts or on social media, as though their work were the ultimate intellectual achievement to be emulated.
Finally, the Syrian people remain Saudi Arabia and the Arab world’s strongest allies in Syria. While the evils of the past are worth remembering, anticipating the threat of the future is equally vital.