The Israeli strike that killed the Houthis’ prime minister and most of his ministers affirmed what had previously been affirmed by the assassinations of Iranian military leaders and scientists, and before them, of Hezbollah and Hamas’s leaders and senior security and military cadres. These weapons, all of them, are meant not for this war. They can no longer serve any purpose other than waging war against us or inviting conflict. That is, they have the capacity to harm their owners and their countries and nations, but they can do nothing else.
Claims to the contrary amount, at this point, to obscene nonsense that insults our intelligence and goes against reality and the national interest. Hezbollah, for example, claims that if it weren't for its weapons, Israel’s army would have reached Beirut. If they had reached Beirut, the party would have claimed that they would have reached Tripoli if it weren't for its weapons. Mind you, the Israelis have reached Beirut, killing Hezbollah’s Secretary-General and the rest of the party's leadership in the Lebanese capital, where Israeli drones continue to roam the skies.
Given the coarseness of these weapons and the coarseness of the situation they have caused, the observations below are somewhat simplistic and coarse by necessity.
First, Israel’s military superiority, underpinned by its broader organizational, educational, and cultural superiority, is overwhelming- whatever one thinks of this state of affairs, whatever reasons one has to hate Israel and fear it, and regardless of the narcissistic wound we suffer from recognizing the backwardness of our levers of power compared to Israel’s.
Second, the function of the arsenal confronting the Israelis weakens it further and drains its energy. Indeed, its task ranges from waging civil war to dominating segments of the local population that are different from it, or, in the case of Iran, dominating neighbors in the region.
Third, since October 7, 2023, and the war it provoked, there has been no real exchange or contest, with the losses and deaths all but exclusive to one side. The Houthis present the latest and most glaring case and point; on one side, a ruling elite is eliminated, and on the other, Ben Gurion Airport is shut down for hours or hundreds of thousands of Israelis are sent to shelters. We must also add the civilian losses, particularly in Gaza, and the material costs in all fronts of the conflict.
Fourth, because of the communal and contradictory dynamics that shape politics in the countries involved (religious, sectarian, or ethnic dynamics), prolonging this war that has already been lost, or taking any action that engenders additional calamities, would broaden the part of the population that refuses to coexist with these weapons and those who carry them. Accordingly, these arms offer the Jewish state additional valuable gifts, none more precious than tearing deeper into the national fabric across the region, country by country. More than that, broad segments of the population, who consider themselves victims of a war that had been imposed on them, could be driven to sympathize with Israel’s brutality, coming to see it as protection and radical salvation from the state of war.
Fifth, any effort to cling to these weapons, any delay in turning the page on the war, and any intransigence that incurs further costs would not only weaken the negotiating position of the forces waging the war, but also that of their countries. The Israelis, and the Americans behind them, are effectively behaving like victors, accepting nothing less than recognition of defeat and surrender to Israel’s conception of peace. The longer the war continues, the more stringent the terms will become, and by extension, the stronger the dose of humiliation.
Sixth, by weakening us further, perpetuating the war results in increased interference by foreign powers and erodes sovereignty in the Levant further. This, at a moment in international politics when an international conference to examine and positively address the region’s issues seems highly unlikely.
Seventh, so long as the arms remain, there can be no viable political or military path to better terms. Iran's requests for "dialogue" have fallen on deaf ears, while the major non-Western powers, like Russia and China, have little influence, if any at all.
Eighth, while it is true that Israel has been on the receiving end of strong moral blows, these blows will not be reflected in the military balance of power, and building on them politically requires time and diligent, consistent efforts.
Ninth, every consideration obliges the combatants to turn the page on this war as soon as possible. Whatever the price for ending it, it will be far lower than the cost of allowing it to continue, which Israel’s frenzy will raise to astronomical heights. Contrary to the claims of the frivolous, this is not defeatist propaganda; rather, it is an attempt to cut our losses. It is not a celebration of the "Israeli era" either, but a rational attempt to limit its immense pain and bitterness. If we do not acknowledge the defeat, the humiliation and subjugation of the "Israeli era" will only intensify.
Tenth, regarding the honor and dignity so dear to the lips of the forces of resistance, they can look to the phrase used by the Emperor of Japan and Japanese intellectuals after their country's defeat in World War II: "bearing the unbearable." These are words of honor and dignity that our militants would do well to echo rather than insisting on farcical rhetoric about weapons and resistance. Committing to a deep introspection could also be useful, providing these militants with insights into what drove us to reach this point and could still lead us to a point of no return.
