An Israeli soldier, part of a force that infiltrated across the border, stirred controversy by planting his flag on a hill in the Lebanese town of Maroun al-Ras—despite Israel’s presence in Beirut’s skies having persisted for weeks.
Before diving into the rhetoric that often dominates our region, it’s important to understand this war for what it truly is: an Iranian-Israeli war being fought on Lebanese soil. This is the reality. This is why we see an Israeli raising his flag while Iranian flags and symbols are displayed along the road to Beirut’s airport, in Dahiya, and in many cities and villages.
Lebanon's borders have historically been protected, most notably by the 1949 Naqoura Agreement, signed near Maroun al-Ras, 36 kilometers away. At that time, Lebanese and Israeli representatives sat together under UN supervision to formalize their shared border. This agreement safeguarded Lebanese territory from Israeli claims, and the signing of a maritime border deal two years ago resolved the last remaining points of potential conflict with Israel.
Today is not about solidifying borders, but rather reclaiming Lebanon’s full sovereignty. Right now, Lebanon has no president, no prime minister, no functioning government, no army chief, and no central bank governor. The country is running on temporary arrangements and caretaker roles.
While Lebanese people may be distracted by the fallout from the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, the political forces need to focus on one singular goal: restoring full Lebanese sovereignty and working with the international community to safeguard Lebanon’s rights. As for expelling Israel, that is not something Lebanon can achieve alone. It will be up to the international community and the United Nations Security Council to enforce such actions in due course.
Those who oppose Lebanon’s sovereignty resort to time-wasting tactics, hoping that international pressure will dissipate. They aim to embroil local forces in disagreements over details, allowing Hezbollah and the cycle of wars to continue for years to come. The real enemy here is not Israel or Iran—it is time and the failure to seize this historic opportunity, with both domestic and international powers willing to support Lebanon. Once Lebanon’s three key institutions (the presidency, the government, and the army) are restored, the world will hear the Lebanese demand for peace and a new UN resolution to reaffirm Lebanon’s rights and sovereignty.
The same people who benefited from the previous status quo are the ones now sabotaging the political process. They are blocking efforts to elect a president and form a government, using the war and the need to remove Israeli forces or reintegrate Hezbollah as excuses. They know this will leave Lebanon in limbo until next year, if not longer. Meanwhile, the international community will not listen to a Lebanon that is institutionally crippled.
It’s important to remember that all the major factions, even Hezbollah through its representative Nabih Berri, initially agreed to move forward with the political process. However, momentum slowed as obstacles were deliberately placed in the way. The disagreement is no longer about presidential candidates—some are even calling for Hezbollah to be given another chance. This stance essentially seeks the continuation of the Iranian-Israeli conflict on Lebanese soil, now and in the future. In contrast, restoring the presidency and empowering the army would end the war and lead to a single state with a single army, returning to the Naqoura Agreement to protect Lebanon from Israeli aggression.
This is the desire of the international community, and it is also the demand of the Lebanese people in their pursuit of recovery. However, international interests are not focused on fixing Lebanon’s more complicated internal issues, which will take time. These issues can be resolved by the Lebanese through their constitutional mechanisms. For now, the immediate priority is to revive the Lebanese Republic.
