This is the picture US President Donald Trump has drawn of the situation and of Iran’s leadership, should the leaders of the Revolutionary Guard Corps fail to climb down from their entrenched, blind obstinacy and continue driving the country toward ruin.
Trump outlined a new form of US attacks and operations against the Iranian system: "By midnight Eastern Time on Wednesday, every bridge in Iran will be decimated, and every power plant will be out of business, burning, exploding, and never to be used again."
To remove any ambiguity, Trump added: "I mean total obliteration. It could happen very quickly, in a matter of hours. And we don’t want that to happen."
The language is stark, blunt, and deliberately unvarnished, aimed at saving time and preventing Iran from reverting to its familiar tactic of buying time, stretching out already extended deadlines, and generating negotiation rounds that beget further rounds. Does Trump face any real constraints that could impede carrying out his near-term threat against Iran’s leadership?
There is resistance from Democrats, left-leaning factions, and the Iranian-American lobby. Some have even raised the prospect of international prosecution. Speaking at a White House Easter event, Trump dismissed concerns that he could face war crimes charges if he pursued war in Iran, saying: "I’m not worried about that." He added: "Do you know what a war crime is? Having a nuclear weapon."
One of the internal brakes within the United States that has worked to obstruct Trump’s efforts against the Iranian system, dating back to his first term, is the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), the backbone of the Iranian lobby in the United States.
Founded in 2002 by activists Trita Parsi and Babak Talebi, the council has been led since 2018 by Jamal Abdi.
This lobby reached the height of its influence over US decision-making during the administrations of Barack Obama and Joe Biden. That period saw the rise of figures such as Robert Malley, who served as envoy to Iran and played a prominent role in the nuclear agreement, as well as Ramin Toloui, who was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs, along with other influential officials in both administrations.
There is no doubt that what Trump is undertaking, seeking to end or at least contain and weaken the revolutionary Khomeinist Iranian system, is a dangerous and complex endeavor. Yet it is necessary and cannot be delayed, regardless of post-war intentions on any side.
The actions of Iran’s leadership today call for a sense of history and a confrontational leadership mindset. The lexicon of politics, it appears, no longer operates within Iran’s ruling establishment.
