Osman Mirghani
TT

What Does Sudan Have Left from its ‘Spring’

Several anniversaries overlap in Sudan during the month of April, which is associated with pivotal events that have left their mark on the country's journey and the lives of its people. It began with the uprising of April 1985; then came the 2018 revolution and the sit-in at the General Command headquarter. Next, there was the overthrow of former President Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, and finally this April will mark the first anniversary of the April 15 war.

This overlap between the most recent revolution and the current war means that this month stirs contradictory sentiments among the Sudanese. However, the tragedy of this war and its repercussions on the country and its people dominate. Its wounds will not be easily removed from the collective memory of the Sudanese people.

Where is the revolution now?

Five years on, the Sudanese revolution seems to be faltering, just like the other "Arab Spring" revolutions. Sudan has joined the club of the miserable countries where revolutions ended in war. No freedom, no peace, and no justice, only a devastating war that has deepened Sudan’s divisions and wounds. It has destroyed the country and displaced millions of Sudanese, both internally and externally, and left two-thirds of the population on the brink of hunger.

Even amid this bleak state of affairs, some are trying to exploit the revolution and its slogans for their own ends. One does not know whether to laugh or cry as we see those who killed the youths in the September (September) 2013 uprising, suppressed the 2018 revolution in its early stages, and played a role in the massacre that broke up the sit-in at the General Command headquarters, now claiming to fight in the name of the revolution and to being working to achieve its objectives.

A faction that committed genocide in Darfur, which the youths of the revolution condemned with their chant "Oh arrogant racists... the whole country is Darfur" - now claim to stand up for the revolution's objectives, wave its flags, and fight for freedom, justice, and the marginalized. These delusional figures think they can fool the people by talking about the revolution and pretending that they had been behind it and its hope for democracy. Meanwhile, reality bears witness to the gravity of the human rights violations they have committed and the destruction they have caused.

It is cruelly ironic that those who did not take part in the revolution and are not known for struggling in its name when the old regime was at the height of power, those who said and did nothing when the youths were being repressed Bashir's regime in the squares and universities, are now filling the world with their condemnation, as though they were the architects of the revolution and on its frontlines.

Many did not join the revolution's marches until they were certain that it would succeed after having seen the previous regime stumble. They then rushed to join the celebrations, raising their voices louder than any other. You don't know whether to laugh or cry when you hear them trying to mention the revolution in every sentence they utter. These marchants exploiting the revolution have become an obstacle with their baseless claims to heroism. They have intensified conflicts and disputes, paralyzing the revolution and lighting the fuse of war.

Where are the youths of the revolution, who had been the ones to fuel it and sacrifice for it?

The youths of the revolution, along with their families, have been displaced by the war. Their education has been suspended, their ambitions have been stymied, their dreams have been disrupted, and their future is now uncertain. Their priority is for the war to end, for universities and schools to reopen, and for life to go back to normal. The dreams they had had during the revolution have been crushed by the conflicts of figures who jumped on the bandwagon and vied for the spoils of power.

Many of those who tried to bolster their image in the name of the revolution brought its demise. Some parties sought a lengthy transitional period, thinking that early elections would not grant them a share of power or a seat at the table. They betrayed the revolution when they rushed to sign a partnership with the military through the Constitutional Charter. They then breached its stipulations as they rushed to take up positions in the government and delayed the formation of a legislative council, which was supposed to oversee the executive and broaden the participation of revolutionary forces and youths. They then agreed to extend the transitional period after signing the Juba Peace Agreement.

A lack of rationality and political flexibility has led various forces to engage in a nihilistic, exclusionary struggle that left the revolution deviating from its goals, undermined it, and fed into the charged climate that set the stage for war. Sadly, many of those who lead the scene have not learned from this difficult experience. Conflicts remain acrimonious, polarization is at its peak, and exclusionary rhetoric has prevailed.

At this juncture, Sudan does not need slogans that exploit the revolution. I need a bold and courageous stand that recognizes the priority for the people today is the war and its escalating consequences and dangers. The imperative now is to move to another stage, lest Sudan be lost. The various players, including the Forces of Freedom and Change and the Sudanese Coordination of Civil Democratic Forces, need to reconsider their positions. The needed shift can be seen in the reform memorandum submitted by the National Umma Party, especially regarding its stance on the war. The more this review is delayed, the more difficult the situation becomes and the slimmer the chances of coming to an agreement on a national project that can save the country from a grim future and endless conflicts.

As the French poet, writer, and philosopher Paul Valery said, "The best way to make your dreams come true is to wake up." The Sudanese have been cruelly awakened to a new state of affairs with this war, which has overshadowed what had remained of their revolutionary dreams, changed their priorities, and imposed new considerations.