The visit of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to Washington defined mutual commitments and expectations of the countries’ bilateral relations, going beyond diplomatic courtesies and vague rhetoric about security agreements. While the defense treaties and arrangements regarding nuclear energy have dominated the headlines in general, the F-35 fighter jet deal stands out. It constitutes a crucial benchmark for assessing the two country’s partnership and determining whether the Saudi-American alliance can shift from being a conventional contractual relationship, as it has been for decades, to a holistic strategic partnership built on joint deterrence and advanced technology.
For the Kingdom, insisting on the acquisition of this fifth-generation fighter does not reflect a desire to collect weapons. It is a pillar of the country’s effort to enhance its military and a critical step toward technological sovereignty within the broader framework of Vision 2030. An integrated network of offensive capabilities and data-analysis is essential for building deterrence.
Moreover, this deal is a tangible reflection of Washington’s recognition that Saudi Arabia is a partner of the first order, no less important than NATO allies. However, this pursuit is running up against obstacles in Washington that go against the administration’s political objectives. Indeed, it must get to the other side of the wall of Congress’s “Israeli military superiority" in the region. This notion, which has gone from a policy of preference to a binding legal constraint, has left American policymakers in a bind: how can the US build a strong regional alliance to contain threats when it denies its most important partner in the project crucial tools of deterrence?
That is the question at the heart of this crossroads. Washington now faces choices: proceed with the deal and adjust its conception of alliances in the region or succumb to legislative stagnation and reject or downgrade the deal. Taking the latter option will not end Riyadh’s ambitions. In fact, such a step would inevitably accelerate the Kingdom’s diversification of its alliances - a process that is already under way - by, say, exploring options like Türkiye’s “Kaan” stealth jets or other European alternatives.
Hesitation would send a clear message to Riyadh: a full partnership with the US is not on the table. In response, the Kingdom would turn to allies that do not tie its national security and sovereignty to the considerations of a third party. The biggest loser, in this event, would be the US. It would be undermining its influence and potentially squander its privileged place in Saudi Arabia’s defense architecture for decades to come.
Accordingly, the question currently circulating in Washington is not whether Saudi Arabia will acquire fifth-generation capabilities. It inevitably will, because it is necessary for building a balance of power. The real and strategic question is: Who will be its partner in this effort?
